Saturday, June 9, 2018

The Complete History of the First and Second Fort Dearborn in Chicago.


In historical writing and analysis, PRESENTISM introduces present-day ideas and perspectives into depictions or interpretations of the past. Presentism is a form of cultural bias that creates a distorted understanding of the subject matter. Reading modern notions of morality into the past is committing the error of presentism. Historical accounts are written by people and can be slanted, so I try my hardest to present fact-based and well-researched articles.

Facts don't require one's approval or acceptance.

I present [PG-13] articles without regard to race, color, political party, or religious beliefs, including Atheism, national origin, citizenship status, gender, LGBTQ+ status, disability, military status, or educational level. What I present are facts — NOT Alternative Facts — about the subject. You won't find articles or readers' comments that spread rumors, lies, hateful statements, and people instigating arguments or fights.

FOR HISTORICAL CLARITY
When I write about the INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, I follow this historical terminology:
  • The use of old commonly used terms, disrespectful today, i.e., REDMAN or REDMEN, SAVAGES, and HALF-BREED are explained in this article.
Writing about AFRICAN-AMERICAN history, I follow these race terms:
  • "NEGRO" was the term used until the mid-1960s.
  • "BLACK" started being used in the mid-1960s.
  • "AFRICAN-AMERICAN" [Afro-American] began usage in the late 1980s.

— PLEASE PRACTICE HISTORICISM 
THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PAST IN ITS OWN CONTEXT.
 


Fort Dearborn was built in 1803 at the mouth of the Chicago River in Chicago (Indian: Chicagoua / French: Chécagou / British: Chicago). It was constructed by troops under Captain John Whistler and named in honor of Henry Dearborn, then United States Secretary of War. The original Fort was destroyed following the Battle of Fort Dearborn during the War of 1812, and a new fort was constructed on the same site in 1816. 

sidebar
"Fort Chécagou" is believed to be a French Fort built in 1685. I've done the research, so you decide if there was a French fort at the mouth of the Chicago River. Did Fort Chécagou, a French fort, exist at the mouth of the Chicago River at any time, or was it a myth?

THE FIRST FORT DEARBORN (1803-1812)
A Jesuit mission, the Mission of the Guardian Angel, was founded somewhere in the vicinity in 1696 but was abandoned around 1700. The Fox Wars effectively closed the area to Europeans in the first part of the 18th century. The first non-native to resettle in the area may have been a trader named Guillory, who might have had a trading post near Wolf Point on the Chicago River around 1778. Jean Baptiste Pointe de Sable (the "du" of Point du Sable is a misnomer. It is an American corruption of "de" as pronounced in French. "Jean Baptiste Pointe de Sable" first appears long after his death) and Choctaw (an Indian from the Great Lakes) built a cabin and trading post near the mouth of the Chicago River in the 1780s. Pointe du Sable is widely regarded as Chicago's first black and non-native settler.

Antoine Ouilmette was the first permanent white settler of Chicago in July of 1790, building a cabin at the mouth of the Chicago River.

On March 9, 1803, Henry Dearborn, the Secretary of War, wrote to Colonel Jean Hamtramck, the commandant of Detroit, instructing him to have an officer and six men survey the route from Detroit to Chicago and to make a preliminary investigation of the situation at Chicago. Captain John Whistler was selected as commandant of the new post and set out with six men to complete the survey. The survey was conducted on July 14, 1803, a company of troops set out to make the overland journey from Detroit to Chicago.
The American Flag reportedly was flown at Fort Dearborn. 1803-1812.
Whistler and his family made their way to Chicago on a schooner called the Tracy. The troops reached their destination on August 17, 1803. The 'Tracy' was anchored about half a mile offshore, unable to enter the Chicago River due to a sandbar at its mouth. Julia Whistler, the wife of Captain Whistler's son, Lieutenant William Whistler, later related that 2000 Indians gathered to see the schooner "Tracy."
Plan of the First Fort Dearborn, drawn by Captain John Whistler in 1808.
CLICK FOR A FULL-SIZED MAP
The troops had completed the Fort's construction by the summer of 1804; it was a log-built fort enclosed in a double stockade with two blockhouses. The Fort was named Fort Dearborn after U.S. Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, who had commissioned its construction.
The location of Fort Dearborn is superimposed on today's street grid.
Illustration of Fort Dearborn - 1804

The Chicago River before being straightened in 1855.

Model of the first Fort Dearborn (1803-1812) from a drawing made in 1808 by Captain John Whistler. Sculpted by A. L. Van Den Berghen, 1898.

Fur trader John Kinzie arrived in Chicago in 1804 and purchased the cabin and land from his partner William Burnett. In turn, he bought it from Jean B. La Lime, who worked as an interpreter at Fort Dearborn and purchased it from the original builder, Point du Sable. The cabin was located at the mouth of the Chicago River, and his partner, William Burnett, had owned the house since 1800. 

Kinzie rapidly became the civilian leader of the small settlement that grew around the Fort. Still, Kinzie was said to be an "aggressive" trader and was described as a "volatile and violent character" who clashed with some American soldiers stationed at Fort Dearborn.

sidebar
The Chronology of the Kinzie House, Chicago.
 
In the spring of 1782, possibly earlier, Jean Baptiste Pointe de Sable settled at Chicago to farm and trade with the Indians. He built a crude log cabin in  1784 on the west bank of the north branch of the Chicago River (the north branch was then named the Guarie River), just north of where the river turned east to meet the lake. Pointe de Sable farmed and traded with the Indians. 
Jean Baptiste Pointe de Sable's 1784 farm is recognized as the first settlement he called “Eschikagou " on the north branch of the Chicago River, known as the Guarie River.


Pointe de Sable's second house became known as the Kinzie Mansion. Antoine Ouilmette's house is seen in the background. Illustration from 1827.
Pointe de Sable built a second trading post/cabin on the north side of the Chicago River, very close to the river's mouth. By the time he sold the second cabin (illustration) in 1800 for 6,000 Livres ($1,200), he had developed the property into a commodious, well-furnished French-style house with numerous outbuildings. 

The Wayne County Register of Deeds in Detroit—Chicago was part of that county during Northwest Territory days—debunks many of the Kinzies’ claims. Their records show Jean Lalime, not Joseph Le Mai, bought Ponte de Sable’s trading post in 1800, bankrolled by Lalime and Kinzie’s mutual boss, fur trader William Burnett. There COULD NOT have been confusion because Kinzie signed the deed as a witness.

Successive owners and occupants include:
  • Jean Lalime & William Burnett: 1800-1803, owner. (A careful reading of the Pointe de Sable-Lalime sales contract indicates that William Burnett was not just signing as a witness, but also financing the transaction, therefore he had controlling ownership.)
  • John Kinzie's Family: 1804-1828 (except during 1812-1816).
  • Widow Leigh & Mr. Des Pins: 1812-1816.
  • John Kinzie's Family: 1817-1829.
  • Anson Taylor: 1829-1831 (residence and store).
  • Dr. E.D. Harmon: 1831 (resident & medical practice).
  • Jonathan N. Bailey: 1831 (resident and post office).
  • Mark Noble, Sr.: 1831-1832.
  • Judge Richard Young: 1832 (circuit court).
  • Unoccupied and decaying by 1832.
  • Nonexistent by 1835.
In 1810 Kinzie and Whistler became embroiled in a dispute over Kinzie supplying alcohol to the Indians. In April, Whistler and other senior officers at the Fort were removed; Whistler was replaced as commandant of the Fort by Captain Nathan Heald.

One of the buildings Pointe de Sable had built was the area's first bakery that supplied Fort Dearborn with fresh bread.

The Fort Dearborn Massacre was partially due to the attack by Indians at Charles Lee's Place. On April 6, 1812, a party of ten or twelve Winnebagoes, dressed and painted, arrived at the Lee house and, according to the custom among savages [1], entered and seated themselves without ceremony. What happened next was horrific; this incident was the precursor to the Fort Dearborn Massacre later that summer.

Jean B. La Lime, John Kinzie's neighbor, was Chicago's first murder victim. Tensions between Kinzie and La Lime came to a head on June 17, 1812, when the two men met outside Fort Dearborn. La Lime was armed with a pistol and Kinzie with a butcher's knife. There was a witness account.
Civilian Residence Around Fort Dearborn Before the Massacre.

THE FORT DEARBORN MASSACRE
Among the many significant blunders made by the Madison administration in 1812 was its failure to tell the frontier that it was about to declare war on Great Britain. As a result, the British and Indians knew several days before the Americans that hostilities had broken out. 

At the beginning of the War of 1812, Captain Wells was in command at Fort Wayne. When he heard of General Hull's orders for the evacuation of Fort Dearborn, he made a rapid march with several friendly Indians to assist in defending the Fort or to prevent its exposure to certain destruction or by an attempt to reach Fort Wayne in safety at the head of the Maumee with the men, women, and children of old Fort Dearborn.

Toward the evening of August 7, 1812, the Wen-ne-meg or the "Catfish," friendly  Potawatomi Chief, who was intimate with John Kinzie, came to Fort Dearborn from Fort Wayne as the bearer of a dispatch from General Hull to Captain Nathan Heald, in which the former announced his arrival at Detroit with an army, the declaration of war, the invasion of Canada, and the loss of Mackinack. It also conveyed an order to Captain Heald to evacuate Fort Dearborn, if practicable, and to distribute in that event all the United States property contained in the Fort and in the government factory or agency in the neighborhood. This was doubtless intended to be a peace offering to the savages [1] to prevent them from joining the British then menacing Detroit.

Wenemeg, who knew the purport of the order, begged Mr. Kinzie to advise Captain Heald not to evacuate the Fort, for the movement would be difficult and dangerous. 


The Indians had already received information from Tecumseh of the disasters to the American arms and the withdrawal of Hull's army from Canada. They were becoming more restless and insolent daily.

Heald had ample ammunition and provisions for six months; why not hold out until relief could come from the southward? Winemeg further urged that if Captain Heald should resolve to evacuate, it should be done immediately before the Indians should be informed of the order or could prepare for formidable resistance. "Leave the fort and stores as they are," he said, "and let them make the distributions for themselves, and while the Indians are engaged in that business, the white people may make their way safely to Fort Wayne." Mr. Kinzie readily perceived the wisdom of Winemeg's advice, and so did Captain Heald's officers—but the Commander blindly resolved to obey Hull's order strictly as to evacuation and the distribution of the public property. He caused that order to be read to the troops on the morning of the 8th and then assumed responsibility.

His officers expected to be summoned to a council but were disappointed. Toward evening they called upon the Commander, and they remonstrated with him when informed of his determination. They said the march must be slow on account of the women, children, and infirm persons and, therefore, under the circumstances, extremely perilous. Hull's orders, they said, left it to the discretion of the Commander to go or stay, and they thought it much better to strengthen the Fort, defy the savages and endure a siege until relief should reach them. 

Heald argued in reply that special orders had been issued by the war department, that no post should be surrendered without battle having been given by the assailed, and that his force was totally inadequate for an engagement with the Indians. He said he should expect the censure of his government if he remained, and having complete confidence in the professions of the friendship of many of the Chiefs about him, he should call them together, make the required distributions and take up his march for Fort Wayne. After that, his officers had no more communication with him on the subject.

With fatal procrastination, the Indians became more unruly every hour, yet Heald postponed assembling the savages for two or three days. They finally met near the Fort on the afternoon of the 12th, and the Commander held a farewell council with them there. Heald invited the officers to join him in the council, but they refused. They had received intimations that treachery was designed, that the Indians intended to murder them in the council circle and then destroy the inmates of the Fort. The officers remained within the pickets and opened the port of one of the blockhouses to expose the cannon pointed directly upon the group in the council. They secured the safety of Captain Heald. The Indians were intimidated by the menacing monster and accepted Heald's offers with many protestations of friendship.

He agreed to distribute among them not only the goods in the general store, blankets, broadcloths, calicoes, paints, etc., but also the arms, ammunition, and provisions not necessary for the use of the garrison on its march. It was stipulated that the distribution should occur the next day, after which the garrison and white inhabitants would leave the works. The Pottawattomies agreed on their part to furnish a proper escort for them through the wilderness to Fort Wayne on the condition of being liberally rewarded on their arrival there.

When the result of the council was made known, John Kinzie warmly remonstrated with Captain Heald. He knew the Indians well and their weakness, in the presence of great temptations, to do wrong. Kinzie begged the Commander not to confide in their promises at the moment so inauspicious for faithfulness to treaties. He especially entreated him not to place in their hands firearms and ammunition, for it would fearfully increase their power to carry on those murderous raids, which for months had spread terror throughout the frontier settlements.

Heald perceived his folly and resolved to violate the treaty so far as arms and ammunition were concerned. On that very evening, when the Chief of the council seemed most friendly, a circumstance that should have made Captain Heald shut the gate to his dusky neighbors and resolve not to leave the Fort.

Black Partridge, a hitherto friendly Potawatomi Chief and a man of much influence, came quietly to the Commander and said: "Father, I came to deliver to you the medal I wear. It was given to me by the Americans, and I have long worn it as a token of our mutual friendship. But our young men are resolved to imbrue their hands in the blood of the white people. I cannot restrain them and will not wear a token of peace while I am compelled to act as an enemy." This solemn and authentic warning was strangely unheeded.

The morning of the 13th was bright and cool. The Indians assembled in great numbers to receive their presents, but nothing save the goods in the store were distributed that day. In the evening, Black Partridge said to Mr. Griffith, the interpreter, "Linden birds have been singing in my ears today; be careful on the march you are going to take." This was another solemn warning which was communicated to Captain Heald. It, too, was unheeded; and at midnight, when the sentinels were all posted, and the Indians were in their camps, a portion of the powder and liquor in the Fort was cast into a well near the sally port, and the remainder into a canal that came up from the river far under the covered way. The muskets not reserved for the garrison were broken up, and these, with shots, bullets, flints, gun screws, and everything else pertaining to firearms, were also thrown into the well. 

A large quantity of alcohol belonging to John Kinzie was poured into the river, and before morning the destruction was complete. But the work had not been done in secret. The night was dark, and vigilant Indians had crept to the Fort as noiselessly as serpents, and their quick senses had perceived the destruction of what they claimed as their own under the treaty.

In the morning, the work of the night was made more manifest. The powder was seen floating upon the surface of the river, and the sluggish water had been converted by whiskey and the alcohol into strong grog, as an eyewitness remarked. 

Complaints and threats were loud among the savages because of this breach of faith. The dwellers in the Fort were impressed with the dreadful sense of impending destruction when the brave Captain Wells, Mrs. Heald's uncle and adopted son of the Chief Little Turtle, was discovered upon the Indian trail near the sandhills on the border of the lake not far distant, with a band of mounted Miamis of whose tribe he was considered a Chief. 

He had heard at Fort Wayne of the orders of Hull to evacuate Fort Dearborn, and being fully aware of the hostilities of the Potawatomi, he had made a rapid march across the country to reinforce Captain Heald, assist in defending the Fort or prevent its exposure to certain destruction by an attempt to reach the head of the Maumee, but he was too late. All means for maintaining a siege had been destroyed a few hours before, and every preparation had been made for leaving the post the next day. 

When the morning of the 15th arrived, there were positive indications that the Indians intended to massacre all the white people. They were overwhelming in numbers and held the fate of the devoted band in their grasp. When at nine o'clock, the appointed hour, the march commenced. It was like a funeral procession.
The Fort Dearborn Massacre was on August 15, 1812. Painting by Samuel Page.
The painting represents Mrs. Helms being rescued from her would-be slayer Naunongee by Black Partridge. To her left is Surgeon Van Voorhes falling mortally wounded. Other characters depicted are Capt. William Wells, Mrs. Heald on horseback, Ensign Ronan, Mrs. Ronan, Mrs. Holt, Mr. John Kinzie, and Chief Waubonsie. In the background are Indians, the wagons containing children, and the boat on the lake bearing Kinzie's family to safety.
The band struck up the dead march in Saul. With his face blackened, with wet gunpowder in token of his impending fate, Captain Wells took the lead with his friendly Miamis, followed by Captain Heald with his heroic wife by his side. Mr. Kinzie accompanied them, hoping by his personal influence to soften if he could not avert the impending blow. His family was left in a boat in charge of a friendly Indian to be conveyed around the head of the lake to Kinzie's trading station on the site of the present village of Niles, Michigan. Slowly the procession moved along the lakeshore until they came to the sandhills between the prairie and the beach, when the escort of Potawatomi, about five hundred in number, under the Blackbird, filed to the right and placed those hills between themselves and the white people. Wells and his Miamis had kept in advance. Suddenly, they came dashing back, the leader shouting, "They are about to attack us! Form instantly." These startling words were scarcely uttered when a storm of bullets came from the sandhills but without profound effect.

The treacherous and cowardly Potawatomi had made those hillocks their cover for a murderous attack. The troops hastily brought into line charged up the bank when one of their number, a white-haired man of seventy years, fell dead from his horse, the first victim. The Indians were driven back, and the battle was waged on the open prairie between fifty-four soldiers, twelve civilians, and three or four women against about five hundred Indian warriors. Of course, the conflict was hopeless on the part of the white people, but they resolved to make the butchers pay dearly for every life they destroyed.

The cowardly Miamis fled at the first onset. Their Chief rode up to the Potawatomi, charged them with perfidy, and, brandishing his glittering tomahawk, declared that he would be the first to lead Americans to punish them. He then wheeled and dashed after his fugitive companions, who were scurrying over the prairies as if the evil Spirit were at their heels. The conflict was short, desperate, and bloody. Two-thirds of the white people were slain or wounded, all the horses, provisions, and baggage were lost, and only twenty strong men remained to brave the fury of about five hundred Indians, who had lost but fifteen in the conflict. The devoted band had succeeded in breaking through the ranks of the assassins who gave way in front, rallied on the flank, and gained a slight eminence on the prairie near a grove called the oak woods.

The savages did not pursue it. They gathered upon the sandhills in consultation and gave signs of willingness to parley.

Further conflict with them would be rashness, so Captain Heald, accompanied by Parish, the Clerk, a half-breed [1] boy in John Kinzie's service, went forward, met Blackbird on the open prairie, and arranged terms for a surrender. It was agreed that all the arms should be given up to Blackbird and that the survivors should become prisoners of war, to be exchanged for ransoms as soon as practicable; with this understanding, captured and captors all started for the Indian encampment near the Fort. So overwhelming was the savage force at the sandhills was so overwhelming that the conflict after the first desperate charge became an exhibition of individual prowess, a life-and-death struggle in which no one could assist his neighbor, for all were principles. In this conflict, women bore a conspicuous part. All fought gallantly so long as strength permitted them. The brave ensign, Ronan, wielded his weapon even when falling to his knees because of blood loss.

Captain Wells displayed the greatest coolness and gallantry. He was by the side of his niece when the conflict began. "We have not the slightest chance for life," he said. "We must part to meet no more in this world. God bless you, my child." With these words, he dashed forward with the rest. Amid the fight, he saw a young warrior, painted like a demon, climb into a wagon where twelve children of the white people were and tomahawked them all. Forgetting his immediate danger, Wells exclaimed, "If that is your game, butchering women and children, I'll kill too." He instantly dashed toward the Indian camp where they had left their squaws and little ones, hotly pursued by swift-footed young warriors, who sent many rifle balls after him. He lay close to his horse's neck and turned and occasionally fired upon his pursuers; when he had got almost beyond the range of their rifles, a ball killed his horse and wounded him severely on the leg. The young savages rushed forward with a demoniac yell to make him a prisoner and reserve him for torture, for he was to them an arch offender.

His friends, Winnemeg and Wanbansee, vainly attempted to save him from his fate. He knew the temper and practices of the savages well and resolved not to be made captive. He taunted them with the most insulting epithets to provoke them to kill him instantly. At length, he called one of the fiery young warriors (Persotum) a Squaw, which so enraged him that he killed Wells instantly with a tomahawk, jumped upon his body, cut out his heart, and ate a portion of the warm and half palpitating morsel with savage delight.

sidebar
Alexander Robinson (aka Che-che-pin-quay or 'The Squinter'), was a British-Ottawa chief born on Mackinac Island who became a fur trader and ultimately settled near what later became Chicago. Multilingual in Odawa, Potawatomi, Ojibwa (Chippewa), English and French, Robinson helped evacuate survivors.

Captain William Wells, taken captive by Miami & Delaware Indians at 13 years old, was an Indian warrior but fought for the U.S.

Believe it or not, most of Billy Caldwell's history was fabricated. Caldwell claimed to have arrived on the scene just after the battle and saved the lives of John Kinzie and his family, but historians have been unable to verify it.

The wife of Captain Heald, who was an expert with the rifle and an excellent equestrian, deported herself bravely. She received severe wounds, but faint and bleeding, she managed to keep the saddle. A savage raised his tomahawk to kill her when she looked him full in the face and, with a sweet, melancholy smile, said in the Indian tongue, "Surely you will not kill a squaw." The appeal was effective. The arm of the savage fell, and the life of the heroic woman was saved. Mrs. Helm, the stepdaughter of Mr. Kinzie, had a severe personal encounter with a stalwart young Indian who attempted to tomahawk her. She sprang to one side and received the blow intended for her head upon her shoulder, and at the same instant, she seized the savage around the neck and endeavored to get hold of his scalping knife, which hung in a sheath upon his breast. While thus struggling, she was dragged from her antagonist by another Indian, who bore her, despite her desperate resistance, to the margin of the lake and plunged in at the same time, to her astonishment, holding her so that she would not drown. She soon perceived she was held by a friendly hand. It was Black Partridge who had saved her. When the firing ceased and capitulation was concluded, he conducted her to the prairie where she met her father and heard her husband was safe. Bleeding and suffering, she was led to the Indian camp by Black Partridge and Persotum, the latter carrying in his hand a scalp which she knew to be that of Captain Wells by the black ribbon that bound the queue. The wife of a soldier named Gorford, believing that all prisoners were reserved for torture, fought desperately and suffered herself to be literally cut in pieces rather than surrender.

The wife of Sergeant Holt, who was severely wounded in his neck at the beginning of the engagement, received from him his sword and behaved as bravely as any Amazon. She was a large and powerful woman and rode a fine, high-spirited horse, which the Indians coveted. Several of them attacked her with the butt of their guns to dismount her, but she used her sword so skillfully that she foiled them. She suddenly wheeled her horse and dashed over the prairie, followed by a large number who shouted, "The brave woman! Brave woman! Don't hurt her!" They finally overtook her, and while two or three were engaging her in front, a powerful savage seized her by the neck and dragged her back to the ground. The horse and woman became prizes. The latter was afterward ransomed. 

When the captives were taken to the Indian camp, a new scene of horrors was opened; the wounded, according to the Indian's interpretation of the capitulation, were not included in terms of surrender.

Proctor had offered a liberal sum for scalps delivered at Maiden. So nearly all the wounded men were killed, and the value of British bounties, sometimes offered for wolves' destruction, was taken from each head.

In this tragedy, Mrs. Heald played a part but fortunately escaped scalping. To save her fine horse, the Indians had aimed at the rider. Seven bullets took effect upon her person. Her captor, who was about to slay her upon the battlefield, as we have seen, left her in the saddle and led her horse toward the camp. When insight of the Fort, his inquisitiveness overpowered his gallantry, and he was taking her bonnet off her head to scalp her when she was discovered by Mrs. Kinzie, who was yet sitting in the boat, and who had heard the tumult of the conflict; but without any intimation of the result, until she saw the wounded woman in the hands of her savage captive. "Run! Run! Chandonnai!" exclaimed Mrs. Kinzie to one of her husband's clerks, standing on the beach. "That is Mrs. Heald. He is going to kill her! Take that mule and offer it as a ransom." Chandonnai promptly obeyed and increased the bribe by offering two bottles of whiskey. These were worth more than Proctor's bounty, and Mrs. Heald was released. She was placed in Mrs. Kinzie's boat and concealed from the prying eyes of other scalp hunters. Toward evening the family of Mr. Kinzie was allowed to return to their own house, where they were greeted by the friendly Black Partridge. Mrs. Helm was placed in the house of Antoine Louis Ouilmette, a Frenchman, by the same friendly hand.

But these and all the other prisoners were exposed to great jeopardy by the arrival of a band of fierce Potawatomi from the Wabash, who yearned for blood and plunder. They searched the houses for prisoners with keen vision. When no further concealment and safety seemed possible, some friendly Indians arrived and so turned the tide of affairs that the Wabash savages were ashamed to own their bloodthirsty intentions.

In this terrible tragedy in the wilderness, twelve children, all the masculine civilians but John Kinzie and his sons, Captain Wells, Surgeon Van Vorhees, Ensign Ronan, and twenty-six private soldiers, were murdered. Wells was shot and killed by the Potawatomi, who decapitated him and ate his heart. Despite considering him a traitor to their cause, his opponents nonetheless sought to gain some of his courage by consuming his heart.

The prisoners were divided among the captors and were finally reunited or restored to their friends and families. Of all the sad tragedies to which human life is susceptible, none surpassed that of the death of Captain William Wells. In its rich vocabulary, the English language fails to adequately express the courage and heroism this little band of men and women manifested on that fateful Saturday morning of August 15, 1812. The day dawned clear and warm, and as Seymour Curry tells us in his "Story of Old Fort Dearborn," scarcely a breath of air was stirring. The lake, unruffled, stretched away in a sheet of burnished gold. But the gold which shown most brilliant on that fateful day was that of this immortal band, which towered to the hall of fame. 

The names and fate of the regular soldiers of the Fort Dearborn garrison on the morning of August 15, 1812:

1. Nathan Heald · Captain - returned to civilization 
2. Lina T. Helm · 2nd Lieutenant - returned to civilization 
3. George Ronan · Ensign - killed in battle near the baggage wagons 
4. Isaac Van Voorhis · Surgeon's mate - killed in battle near the baggage wagons 

1. Isaac Holt · Sergeant - killed in battle 
2. Otho Hays · Sergeant - killed in battle in an individual duel with Indian 
3. John Crozier · Sergeant - returned to civilization 
4. William Griffith · Sergeant - returned to civilization 

1. Thomas Forth · Corporal - killed in battle 
2. Joseph Bowen · Corporal - returned to civilization 

1. George Burnett · Fifer - killed in battle 
2. John Smith · Fifer - returned to civilization 
3. Hugh McPherson · Drummer - killed in battle 
4. John Hamilton · Drummer - killed in battle 

1. John Allin · Private - killed in battle 
2. George Adams · Private - killed in battle 
3. Prestly Andrews · Private - killed in battle 
4. James Corbin · Private - returned to civilization 
5. Fielding Corbin · Private - returned to civilization 
6. Asa Campbell · Private - killed in battle 
7. Dyson Dyer · Private - returned to civilization 
8. Stephen Draper · Private - killed in battle 
9. Daniel Daugherty · Private - returned to civilization 
10. Micajah Denison · Private - badly wounded in battle; tortured to death the ensuing night 
11. Nathan Edson · Private - returned to civilization 
12. John Fury · Private - badly wounded in battle; tortured to death the ensuing night 
13. Paul Grummo · Private - returned to civilization 
14. Richard Garner · Private - tortured to death the night after the massacre 
15. William N. Hunt · Private - frozen to death in captivity 
16. Nathan A. Hurtt · Private - killed in battle 
17. Rhodias Jones · Private - killed in battle 
18. David Kennison · Private - returned to civilization; died in Chicago, 1852 
19. Samuel Kilpatrick · Private - killed in battle 
20. John Kelso · Private - killed in battle 
21. Jacob Landon · Private - killed in battle 
22. James Latta · Private - tortured to death the night after the massacre 
23. Michael Lynch · Private - badly wounded; killed by the Indians en route to the Illinois River 
24. Hugh Logan · Private - tomahawked in captivity because unable to walk from fatigue 
25. Frederick Locker · Private - killed in battle 
26. August Mortt · Private - tomahawked in captivity 
27. Peter Miller · Private - killed in battle
28, Duncan McCarty · Private - returned to civilization 
29. William Moffett · Private - killed in battle
30. Elias Mills · Private - returned to civilization 
31. John Needs · Private - died in captivity 
32. Joseph Noles · Private - returned to civilization 
33. Thomas Poindexter · Private - tortured to death the night after the massacre 
34. William Prickett · Private - killed in battle 
35. Frederick Peterson · Private - killed in battle 
36. David Sherror · Private - killed in battle 
37. John Suttenfield · Private - badly wounded; killed by the Indians while en route to Illinois River 
38. John Smith · Private - returned to civilization 
39. James Starr · Private - killed in battle 
40. John Sunmons · Private - killed in battle 
41. James Van Horn · Private - returned to civilization 

Believe it or not, most of Billy Caldwell's history was fabricated. Caldwell c
laimed to have arrived on the scene just after the battle and saved the lives of John Kinzie and his family, but historians have been unable to verify it.

The Potawatomi burned the Fort to the ground the next day.
NOTE: The account by Susan Simmons Winans (1812-1900), the last known survivor of the Chicago Fort Dearborn massacre as told to her by her mother. (Printed in the Sunday, December 27, 1896 Chicago Tribune.)
Remaining Civilian Residence After the Fort Dearborn Massacre.

THE FORT DEARBORN CEMETERY (Circa 1805-1835)
"Common Burial Ground at Fort Dearborn and Garrison Cemetery."

The dead from the surprise Indian attack was not buried, and their bones lay in the sand where they were killed until four years later, in 1816, when Fort Dearborn was reopened. They were reburied at the Common Burial Ground at Fort Dearborn, also referred to as Fort Cemetery or Garrison Cemetery.

One account says that victims were left as they laid near what would now be 18th Street and Calumet Avenue on Chicago’s near south side. The site was described as being on 18th Street, between Prairie (300 east) and Lake Michigan.

A second possible location was by Mrs. George W. Pullman’s house (1729 South Prairie) or the Northeast corner of 18th Street and Prairie Avenue in the South Township Section: SW 1/4 22 Township 39 Range: 14. This is about where the massacre took place and where victims were buried. Another source states that the site was just behind the Pullman mansion. The Pullman three-story mansion was built in 1873 and was valued at $500,000 in 1880 ($13.3 million today), but was razed in 1922.

Another report suggests that the massacre burials were at what would now be 18th street and Calumet Avenue (325 east). Still another source states that the massacre was centered just east of what is now Prairie Avenue between 16th and 17th Streets.

Still another account statesin 18th street, near Fernando Jones house (1834 South Prairie), is a spot supposed to contain the bodies of some two score (40 souls), while for several blocks along the lakeshore, it is said, graves were scraped into the land.

Historical accounts state that his first task was to carefully gather and bury the bones in what would later be called the Fort Dearborn Cemetery.

Fort Dearborn Cemetery can well be considered Chicago's first cemetery. Minimal physical descriptions of Fort Cemetery are known, but we know the site was not much more than sand, which shifted with the winds off Lake Michigan. It was difficult, if not impossible, to maintain the graves against the elements. Markers, at best, were probably simple wooden boards or crosses. Many other graves probably went unmarked.

Cutting through the sandbar for the harbor caused the lake to encroach and wash away the earth, exposing coffins and their contents, which were afterward cared for and reinterred by the civil authorities.

Located southeast of Fort Dearborn, the Common Burial Grounds at Fort Dearborn was found between the road leading to the Fort and the west bank of the Chicago River as it flowed southward to the lake, and it was before the channel was cut. According to modern street grids, the cemetery would have been south and east of the intersection of Lake Street (200 north) and Wabash Avenue (50 east). It was located on what today would be the south end of the Michigan Avenue bridge at the Chicago River (Approx. 300 N. Michigan by today's street numbering system).

Although there might have been an earlier burial, the first grave at the Fort other than Indian burials is that of Eliza Dodemead Jouett in 1805, wife of Charles Jouett (1772-1834), the first Indian agent and government factor at Chicago. Her grave was placed at the entrance to the garden of the Fort. Eliza of Detroit married Charles on January 22, 1803, and had one daughter. After Eliza's death, Charles remarried in 1809 and had one son and three daughters with his second wife.

On modern-day street grids, Eliza's grave would be in the middle of South Water Street (Wacker Place – 300 north) between Wabash Avenue (50 east) and Michigan Avenue (100 east). Although the special significance of her grave, by its location and identification on the Harrison map (marked in yellow), is not well explained, her death probably occurred before the formal beginning of the cemetery at the Fort.
1830 map drawn by F. Harrison Jr., U.S. Civil Engineer and approved by William Howard, U.S. Civil Engineer. The Fort Dearborn Cemetery is highlighted in green.
The documented history of this cemetery can best be established when Captain Hezikiah Bradley was sent to Chicago to re‑establish Fort Dearborn after the Massacre of 1812. He returned to Chicago on July 4, 1816, and found the massacre's victims lying unburied in and around the Fort. Historical accounts state that his first task was to carefully gather and bury the bones in what would later be called the Fort Dearborn Cemetery.

The Fort Dearborn cemetery probably closed in 1835 when two regular cemeteries were established near Lake Michigan, at the edges of town. One was located on Chicago Avenue, and the other on Twelfth Street.

THE SECOND FORT DEARBORN (1816-1836)
Following the war, a second Fort Dearborn was built in 1816. This Fort consisted of a double wall of wooden palisades, officer and enlisted barracks, a garden, and other buildings.
The Pink Section is where Fort Dearborn № 2 was located.

Fort Dearborn was Rebuilt in 1816.
The American forces garrisoned the Fort until 1823 when peace with the Indians led the garrison to be deemed redundant. Lightning struck the Fort and burned some of the buildings in 1827.

This temporary abandonment lasted until 1828, when it was re-garrisoned following the outbreak of war with the Winnebago Indians. In her 1856 memoir Wau Bun, Juliette Kinzie described the Fort as it appeared on her arrival in Chicago in 1831:
The fort was inclosed by high pickets, with bastions at the alternate angles. Large gates opened to the north and south, and there were small portions here and there for the accommodation of the inmates. Beyond the parade-ground which extended south of the pickets, were the company gardens, well filled with currant-bushes and young fruit-trees. The fort stood at what might naturally be supposed to be the mouth of the river, yet it was not so, for in these days the latter took a turn, sweeping round the promontory on which the fort was built, towards the south, and joined the lake about half a mile below.
FORT DEARBORN LIGHTHOUSES
An Act of Congress established a lighthouse at Fort Dearborn on March 3, 1831. Samuel C. Lasby was the first keeper. It toppled over in October 1831, 10 months after the lighthouse was completed. A new conical stone lighthouse tower was swiftly constructed.
The original lighthouse at Fort Dearborn lighthouse collapsed in 1831, and it was replaced by this conical stone lighthouse in 1832. Description circa 1838.
In 1836, William M. Stevens was the keeper; then John C. Gibson; then William M. Stevens again. President Harrison appointed Silas Meacham as keeper; President Polk, James Long; President Taylor, Chas. Douglass; President Pierce, Henry Fuller; and President Buchanan, Mark Beaubien. The annual salary was $350 ($7,775 today), which never increased, but the job included free living quarters and some offered accommodations for a family of four.

The Fort was closed briefly before the Black Hawk War of 1832, and by 1837, the Fort was being used by the Superintendent of Harbor Works. In 1837, the Fort and its reserve, including part of the land that became Grant Park, were deeded to Chicago by the Federal Government.

The First Presbyterian Church of Chicago was formed on June 26,1838, inside the walls of Fort Dearborn. Twenty-six members made up the first congregation, and 16 soldiers were stationed at the garrison.
Fort Dearborn in 1850.
In 1855 part of the Fort was demolished so that the south bank of the Chicago River could be dredged, straightening the bend in the river and widening it by about 150 feet.

The Chicago Fire of 1857 destroyed nearly all the remaining buildings in the Fort. 

By the Civil War (1861-1865), Fort Dearborn's remaining blockhouse and few surviving outbuildings were being used by the Harbor Master of Chicago. 
Woodcut from a photo taken in 1855 by Alexander Hesler, from the U. S. Marine Hospital, looking north-west, correctly represents two of the principal buildings of the Fort — the Commandant's Quarters, A (brick, about 25×50 ft.), and the Officers' Quarters, B (wood, about 30×60 ft,), occupying the north-west corner of the enclosure. C is the parade ground (80×200 ft.); D is the Sutler's; E is the north gate. The figure in the foreground is J. D. Graham, U. S. Engineer, in charge of Govt. Works, and residing in the Fort, and to his right, Mr. and Mrs. John H. Kinzie. The vessel in the river on the right is Maria Hillard's brig. The Rush Street Ferry was used crossing the river here and landed on the South-side at a point, indicated in this view, under the west chimney of the Commandant's quarters; the direction of the ferry from this point to the North-side was nearly north-west; width of the channel, 225 feet.
Fort Dearborn in 1856. An Alexander Hesler photograph.
Fort Dearborn Blockhouse and Light House in 1857.
Everything that was left was destroyed in the Great Chicago Fire of 1871.

The site of Fort Dearborn is a Chicago Landmark by the Michigan–Wacker Historic District.
These are the brass markers indicating the Fort's footprint.


FORT DEARBORN; WHEN CHRISTENED.
It has been often stated, that only after the re-building of the Fort (completed in 1817,) it first received the name Fort Dearborn. This was incorrect, for in 1812, the name seems to have been generally known, as the Eastern newspapers mostly referred to the garrison on learning the news of the abandonment of the Fort by the troops, and the immediate treachery of the Indians. 
A letter from the War Department admits this, though their records fail to impart anything definite of an earlier date. Yet evidence from other sources has not been wanting, to confirm the statement, that this post was called "Fort Dearborn" in the year it was first finished, in 1804. The fact appeared in the accounts and papers of the elder John Kinzie, who was there that year. Those documents, at the time of the Great Chicago Fire in 1871, were in the library of the Chicago Historical Society. But a living witness is here today, October 30, 1875, who was here when the Fort was built in 1803-04, and she has assured us of the fact above stated; we allude of course to Mrs. Whistler.
Excerpt from: Chicago Antiquities; comprising original items and relations, letters, extracts, and notes, about early Chicago. By Henry H. Hurlbut, Member of the Chicago Historical Society, 1881


FORT DEARBORN COMMANDANTS:
 
•••1803 April - Captain John Whistler, First Infantry, arrives at the mouth of the Chicago River from Detroit with six soldiers to survey the site and predetermine the construction of a fort on orders from General Henry Dearborn, Secretary of War. 
•••1803 August 17 to 1810 - Captain Whistler returns in the company of his wife, three children, and 68 military personnel. He designed and built Fort Dearborn, becoming the first commandant; when cold weather arrived late in 1803, the troops were modestly sheltered. 
•••1810 to 1812 August 15 - Captain Nathan Heald is named commandant. 
•••1810 November to 1811 June - Lieutenant Philip Ostrander serves as acting commandant during Captain Heald's nine-month furlough. 
•••1812 August 9 - Captain Heald receives orders from General Hull to evacuate the post and to remove its occupants to Detroit. 
•••1812 August 15 - The Fort Dearborn Massacre occurs one and one-half miles south of the Fort as the garrison moves out. Four to five hundred Potawatomi attacked, killing 52 soldiers and civilians. Fifteen Indians are slain in action. Captain Heald survives. 
•••1812 August 16 - Indians burn the Fort. 
•••1816 July 4 to 1817 May - Captain Hezekiah Bradley, Third Infantry, arrives from Detroit with a garrison of 112 men; he designs and builds the second Fort Dearborn and becomes its first commandant. 
•••1817 May to 1820 June - Brevet Major Daniel Baker, Third Infantry, Commandant 
•••1820 June to 1821 January - Captain Hezekiah Bradley, Third Infantry, Commandant 
•••1821 January to 1821 October - Major Alexander Cummings, Third Infantry, Commandant 
•••1821 October to 1823 July - Lieutenant Colonel John McNeil, Third Infantry, Commandant 
•••1823 July to 1823 October - Captain John Greene, Third Infantry, Commandant 
•••1823 October to 1828 October 3 - Fort Dearborn remains unoccupied and is left in the care of Indian agent, Dr. Alexander Wolcott. 
•••1828 October 3 to 1830 December 14 - Brevet Major John Fowle, Fifth Infantry, Commandant 
•••1830 December 14 to 1831 May 20 - First Lieutenant David S. Hunter, Fifth Infantry, Commandant 
•••1831 May 20 to 1832 June 17 - Fort Dearborn remains unoccupied and is left in the care of Indian agent Thomas J.V. Owen. A portion of the structure serves as a general hospital after July 11, 1831. 
•••1831 - The U.S. Congress appropriates $5000 for the construction of a lighthouse which is built within the year near the N.W. corner of the stockade. The lighthouse collapsed soon after completion, and a new, sturdier one was erected in 1832. 
•••1832 June 17 to 1833 May 14 - Major William Whistler, Second Infantry, Commandant [son of Captain John Whistler] 
•••1833 May 14 to 1833 June 19 - Captain and Brevet Major John Fowle, Fifth Infantry, Commandant 
•••1833 June 19 to 1833 October 31 - Major George Bender, Fifth Infantry, Commandant 
•••1833 October 31 to 1833 December 18 - Captain DeLafayette Wilcox, Fifth Infantry, Commandant 
•••1833 December 18 to 1835 September 16 - Major John Greene, Fifth Infantry, Commandant 
•••1835 September 16 to 1836 August 1 - Captain DeLafayette Wilcox, Fifth Infantry, Commandant 
•••1836 May 28 - Jean Baptiste Beaubien, a colonel in the Militia of Cook County, purchases land that contains the Fort Dearborn Reservation, including the Fort, for $94.61 from the U.S. Land Office in Chicago and receives a certificate. The U.S. Government later contests the sale. 
•••1836 July - Colonel Beaubien's lawyer, Murray McConnell, brings legal action of ejection from the Fort against the commandant, Captain DeLafayette Wilcox. 
•••1836 August 1 - Captain and Brevet Major Joseph Plympton, Fifth Infantry, replaces Captain Wilcox as Commandant. 
•••1836 December 29 - Troops are permanently withdrawn from Fort Dearborn. Only Ordinance-Sergeant Joseph Adams and Captain Plympton remain responsible for Government property. 
•••1837 May - Captain Plympton, last commandant, leaves the Fort; Captain Louis T. Jamison remains until late autumn, detailed on recruiting service. 
•••1839 March - U.S. Supreme Court vacates Colonel Beaubien's purchase of Fort Dearborn. 
•••1839 June 20 - Fort Dearborn Reservation, divided into blocks and lots by order of the Secretary of War, is sold to multiple private parties for the highest bids; receipts total $106,042.00. 
•••1840 December 18 - Colonel Beaubien surrenders his certificate of purchase for Fort Dearborn, and the purchase price of $94.61 is returned to him. 
•••1856 - Alexander Hesler photographs the abandoned Fort that has become a historical landmark. 
•••1857 - A.J. Cross, a city employee, tears down the lighthouse and Fort, excluding the officers` quarters. 
•••1871 October 8 - The last portion of Fort Dearborn is destroyed in the great fire of Chicago. 


THE FORT DEARBORN RESERVATION.

In 1824, at a time when the Fort was not garrisoned, Alexander Wolcott, Indian agent at Fort Dearborn, suggested to J.C. Calhoun, secretary of war, that the land on which the Fort stood - bordered by the lakeshore, Madison Street, State Street, and the main river - be declared a military reservation; the secretary agreed and made the necessary arrangements.

In April 1839, the significant portion of the reservation was released by the secretary of war, J.R. Poinsett, and became the Fort Dearborn Addition to Chicago; a war office agent, Matthew Birchard, surveyed the addition, laying in lots and streets and filed the map with Cook County; all lots were sold except the portion where the lighthouse stood.
Fort Dearborn Reservation is listed as belonging to the United States Treasury Department. You can see the Marine Hospital and the Illinois Central Railroad.
The two following letters, later published in the Chicago Tribune on February 2, 1884, one by Dr. Wolcott, the other by George Graham of the U.S. General Land Office:

Fort Dearborn, September 2, 1824.
The Hon. J.C. Calhoun, Secretary of War 
Sir, I have the honor to suggest to your consideration the propriety of making a reservation of this post and the fraction on which it is situated for use of this agency. It is very convenient for that purpose, as the quarters afford sufficient accommodations for all the persons in the employ of the agency, and the storehouses are safe and commodious places for the provisions and other property that may be in charge of the agent. The buildings and other property, by being in possession of a public officer, will be preserved for public use, should it ever again be necessary to occupy them again with a military force. - As to the size of the fraction, I am not certain, but I think it contains about sixty acres. A considerably greater tract than that is under the fence, but that would be abundantly sufficient for the use of the agency, and contains all the buildings attached to the fort - such as a mill, barn, stable, etc. - which it would be desirable to preserve.  I have the honor to be Alexander Wolcott, an Indian Agent.
General Land Office, October 21, 1824.
The Hon. J.C. Calhoun, Secretary of War
Sir, In compliance with your request, I have directed that the Fractional Section 10, Township 39 North, Range 14 East, containing 57.50 acres, and within which Fort Dearborn is situated, should be reserved from sale for military purposes.  I am, George Graham.


MEMORIALS OF THE FORT DEARBORN MASSACRE.

The site of the Fort Dearborn Massacre is claimed to be on the corner of 18th street and Prairie Avenue in modern-day Chicago.


For over a century, the massacre site was marked by a large cottonwood tree. After the tree died, it was replaced by a bronze statue, "Black Partridge Saving Mrs. Helm," commissioned by George Pullman in 1893 at the cost of $30,000, created by the artist Carl Rohl-Smith (1848-1900). 
George Pullman wrote: 
”An enduring monument, which should serve not only to perpetuate and honor the memory of the brave man and women and innocent children — the pioneer settlers who suffered here — but should also stimulate a desire among us and those who are to come after us to know more of the struggles and sacrifices of those who laid the foundation of the greatness of this city.”
The monument, to the dismay of many, was removed in 1931. It was last seen stored in a City of Chicago garage below the overpass near Roosevelt Road and Wells Street.

Chicago's relief on Michigan Avenue Bridgehouse (renamed the 'DuSable Bridge' in 2010) commemorates the Fort Dearborn Massacre. (built 1918-1920)
"Defense Relief" - Fort Dearborn stood almost on this spot. After a heroic defense in eighteen hundred and twelve, the garrison, women, and children were forced to evacuate the Fort. Led forth by Captain Wells, they were brutally massacred by the Indians. They will be cherished as martyrs in our early history.
By Henry Hering. 1928
 
On Saturday, August 15, 2009, the Chicago Park District dedicated the site as "Battle of Fort Dearborn Park," in some misguided attempt to be politically correct, somewhat sanitizing history, they renamed the event from "massacre" to "battle" naming it the "Site of Battle of Fort Dearborn."
The plaque, somewhat historically suspect, reads:
Battle of Fort Dearborn - August 15, 1812
From roughly 1620 to 1820 the territory of the Potawatomi extended from what is now Green Bay, Wisconsin, to Detroit, Michigan and included the Chicago area. In 1803, the United States Government built Fort Dearborn at what is today Michigan Avenue and Wacker Drive, as a part of lucrative trading in the area from the British. During the War of 1812, between the United States and Great Britain, some Indian tribes allied with the British to stop the westward expansion of the United States and to regain lost Indian lands. On August 15, 1812, more than 50 US soldiers and 41 civilians, including 9 women and 18 children were ordered to evacuate Fort Dearborn. This group, almost the entire population of U.S. citizens in the Chicago area, marched south from Fort Dearborn, along Lake Michigan until they reached this approximate site, where they were attacked by about 500 Potawatomi. In the battle and aftermath, more than 60 of the evacuees and 15 native Americans were killed. The dead included Army Captain William Wells, who has come from Fort Wayne, with Miami Indians to assist in the evacuation, and Naunongee, Chief of the Village of Potawatomi, Ojibwe and Ottawa Indians known as the Three Fires Confederacy. In the 1830s the Potawatomi of Illinois were forcibly removed to lands west of Mississippi. Potawatomi Indian Nations continue to thrive in Michigan, Indiana, Wisconsin, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Canada, and more than 36,000 American Indians, from a variety of tribes, live in Chicago today.” 
Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.


[1] "SAVAGE" is a word defined in U.S. dictionaries as a Noun, Verb, Adjective, and Adverb. Definitions include:
  • a person belonging to a primitive society
  • malicious, lacking complex or advanced culture
  • a brutal person
  • a rude, boorish, or unmannerly person
  • to attack or treat brutally
  • lacking the restraints normal to civilized human beings
Unlike the term "RED MEN," dictionaries like Merriam-Webster define this term, its one-and-only definition, as a Noun meaning: AMERICAN INDIAN (historically dated, offensive today).

The term Red Men is often used in historical books, biographies, letters, and articles written in the 18th, 19th, and early 20th centuries.

I change this derogatory term to "INDIANS" to keep with the terminology of the time period I'm writing about.

"HALF-BREED" is a disrespectful term used to refer to the offspring of parents of different racial origins, especially the offspring of an American Indian and a white person of European descent.

Wednesday, June 6, 2018

The first elevated line in Chicago was called the "Alley L," which started service for the public on June 6, 1892.

"The first elevated line in Chicago was called the "Alley L" (short for "elevated") because its route was completely through city-owned alleys. "Its route was completely through city-owned alleys" said Graham Garfield, CTA general manager of customer information and unofficial agency historian. It opened for business to the public on June 6, 1892.

The steam locomotive pulled four wooden coaches, carrying more than a couple of dozen people, departed the 39th Street station, its southern terminal, (but only two months) traveling along alleys, behind and around buildings and through backyards, and arrived at the Congress Street Terminal 14 minutes later. 
It was a novel way to travel in Chicago — above the streets and eye-level to people's second and third floor windows. Some residents along the path may have forgotten that the train was coming that first day and had to quickly draw the curtains to protect their privacy, while others gathered on back porches to watch the smoky, steam-powered 'L' go by. The wooden train, run by the private Chicago and South Side Rapid Transit Railroad Company along what is now the Green Line, was popular and crowded from the start. 

The “Alley L” was an instant hit, because it was far faster than the cable cars that paralleled it half a block to the west on State Street.
NOTE: July 3, 1868 the first elevated ("EL"), rapid transit system in New York City. Chicago's 'L' (not "EL") selected 'L' as the nickname for its elevated rapid transit system to distinguish itself between Chicago and New York, which already was using "EL."
Along with other north, south and west sections of the 'L' built over the next 10 years, it helped to both expand the city and create its character, said Greg Borzo, author of "The Chicago 'L.' The combined subway and elevated system now has 224.1 miles of track and sees more than a million riders daily.

"It developed confidence in the city," said Borzo. "It created energy and pride and attracted residents. It encouraged people to invest in and move to Chicago."

Borzo said the 'L' also promoted democracy, since it forced people from different income levels, races and ethnic groups to sit together. A Tribune reporter at the time noted that the passengers included both the "lunch pail crowd" and those "resembling gentlemen."

The 'L' was created just after Chicago had started to build skyscrapers, also supported by steel. "It's very appropriate for this period, that you have this upward movement," Borzo said.

The early train cars were attractive, with varnished wood and cushioned seats. The train ran 24 hours, and the cars were lit by gas lamps at night.

Riders had to contend with some smoke and cinders from the coal-fired engine, but all trains were like this during the 19th century, so people were used to it. With factory smoke and lower standards of sanitation, the 1890s were a grungier time. The railroad company had to smooth out a couple of issues at the beginning. One was that it used to have a two-part fare system — passengers would pay a nickel to get a ticket from an agent, and then go to the back of the stationhouse and hand the ticket to a second agent, who would rip it in half before sending riders up the stairs, Garfield said.

This proved to be cumbersome and was changed to a one-step system — just pay and go, Garfield said. There also was concern that people would fall off the elevated platforms onto the tracks, so there used to be railings on all sides of the platforms, with openings on the trackside to allow passengers to get on the train, Garfield said.

"This required some extremely precise berthings of the trains," Garfield said. "The doors wouldn't always line up, so in about a year or less they removed these railings."

Soon after the original 'L' line opened, work began to expand it to 63rd Street to take passengers to the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893. The expansion, opened two weeks after the May 1 start of the fair, is now the Cottage Grove branch of the Green Line. "Much of the original structure is still in place, though it's been refurbished over time," Garfield said.

"The South Side 'L' converted to electricity about six years after it opened with an innovation that would become standard for future electric trains," Garfield said.

Whereas earlier electric trains in other cities had emulated steam trains by having a lead engine at the front and "dead" trailer cars behind, inventor Frank Julian Sprague had the idea of having a multiple unit system so that every car would have its own motors and brakes. "The train, controlled by one operator, could brake faster and accelerate faster. This also eliminated the need for a "roundhouse" to turn the locomotive around at the end of the line," Garfield said. This system was picked by mass transit operators in other cities and became the standard for the world.

Other lines created by private companies between 1893 and 1900 included the Lake Street 'L,' (now the Green Line's Lake branch), the Metropolitan West Side 'L' (portions survive as parts of the Blue and Pink Lines), the Union Loop (now the Loop 'L'), and the Northwestern 'L,' which went to Wilson Avenue (now forming parts of the Brown, Purple and Red lines).

The expansion of the 'L,' along with the commuter rail lines now run by Metra, allowed people to easily live outside of downtown and commute to work. "It helped integrate the entire area with the downtown," Borzo said.

It also became part of Chicago's look and feel. You know you are in downtown Chicago by the creak and rattle of the 'L' trains overhead. The 'L' has been featured in movies like "The Blues Brothers" (1980), "While You Were Sleeping" (1995), "The Fugitive"(1993) and "Spider-Man 2" (2004). It also frequently appears in literature about the city — writer Nelson Algren warned that "Every day is D-Day under the 'L.'

The only remaining ‘L’ car from Day One, South Side Rapid Transit car №1, is on long-term loan to the Chicago History Museum, where it's on static display.

By the Chicago Tribune
Compiled by Neil Gale, Ph.D. 

Sunday, June 3, 2018

Illinois Territory Counties 1809-1818

The 15 Counties in the Illinois Territory (1809-1818), before Illinois Statehood on December 3, 1818.
Map of Illinois by John Melish, 1820
CLICK MAP TO VIEW IN FULL SIZE
Saint Clair, County ( April 1809 )
Randolph, County ( April 1809 )
Madison, County ( September 1812 )
Gallatin, County ( September 1812 )
Johnson, County ( September 1812 )
Edwards, County ( November 1814 )
White, County ( December 1815 )
Monroe, County ( January 1816 )
Jackson, County ( January 1816 )
Pope, County ( January 1816 )
Crawford, County ( December 1816 )
Bond, County ( January 1817 )
Franklin, County ( January 1818 )
Union, County ( January 1818 )
Washington, County ( January 1818 )

Compiled by Neil Gale, Ph.D. 

Saturday, June 2, 2018

The Chinese Takeout Box, a Chicago Invention by Frederick Weeks Wilcox in 1890.

Influenced by Japanese origami, the Paper Pail, aka Oyster Pail, was patented by Frederick W. Wilcox and William D. Moshier on April 29, l890. Patent No. 426698.

The box is made from a single piece of wax paper, creased into segments, and folded into a 'leakproof' container secured with a wire handle to carry it on the top. The supportive folds on the outside, fastened with that same wire, created a flat interior surface over which food could slide smoothly onto a plate.
How to Eat Chinese Takeout.
A must-watch CBS Sunday Morning Show. [2:52]

Wilcox's paper box seems to have advanced existing "oyster pail" technology. The oyster pail, as described by Ernest Ingersoll in his 1880 book: "The Oyster Industry used a wooden receptacle with a locked cover which was used in transporting raw oysters." 

The paper pail and the American-Chinese food and restaurant industries perfectly matched. "It's nearly leakproof, and it's disposable, and they're really inexpensive," says Michael Prince, who redesigned the Box O' Joe Coffee carton for Dunkin' Donuts. "Origami can make really cool transport devices."

In the 1970s, a graphic designer (whose name, sadly, has been lost to history) working at the company today known as Fold-Pak put a pagoda on the side of the box and a stylized "Thank you" on top. Both were printed in red, symbolizing good fortune in China.
The Paradox: "The structure has come to represent the idea of Eastern cuisine in Western society even though this packaging is not used in China," says Scott Chapps, packaging designer for Help Remedies. Or, as David Federico, marketing manager for Fold-Pak, put it, "We don't sell them in China."

Today, Fold-Pak makes oyster pails in much the same way Wilcox suggested, albeit using a solid-bleached-sulfate paperboard with a poly-coating on the inside for more grease-and-leak resistance. The company has also adjusted for modern-day behaviors. They offer microwave-safe Chinese food cartons that use glue instead of wire and non-dyed, environmentally friendly containers. 

It's a growing market, Federico says. But the traditional takeout container seems immune from extinction. "In America, if you just drew an icon of a box, people would understand exactly what it is," Prince said. "That's a lot of power."


Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 


[1] 
CHICAGO'S OYSTER HISTORY
New Englanders settled in Chicago, bringing with them a taste for oysters. Chicago had become a huge oyster town, with large multilevel structures housing oyster wholesalers and oyster houses. These houses would have a dance hall, lunchroom, formal dining, and taprooms in one massive building. 

Delivered by sleigh from New Haven, Connecticut, the first fresh oysters in Chicago were served in 1838 at the Lake House Hotel on Kinzie Street. The Lake House Hotel establishment was our city's first foray into (5-Star) fine dining and offered these East Coast imports to their well-heeled clientele. It was the first restaurant to use white tablecloths, napkins, menu cards, and toothpicks. 

This spurred Chicago's earliest love affair with the oyster. By 1857, there were seven "Oyster Depots" and four "Oyster Saloons" in the city. Chicago's population in 1860 was 109,000. Peaking in the Gilded Age of the 1890s, with a population of 1,001,000 in 1890 and waning with Prohibition, oyster consumption was plentiful in old Chicago. Believe it or not, Ice cream parlors also served oysters because they had all that ice.

sidebar
I've been asked several times; "How can fresh oysters, from the East Coast, get to Chicago in 1835, and still called fresh?"

Oysters were kept alive on ice, at all times, during transport and delivered to storage and Oyster houses. 
 
In the 1890s, express-service refrigerated train cars shipped oysters and other perishable foods around the country. The cars did not come into general use until the turn of the 20th century.

Consuming dead oysters will cause food poisoning due to the release of harmful bacteria and toxins. Eating too many dead oysters can quickly become severe and may result in death. 


Thursday, May 31, 2018

The Black Hawk War and Illinois’ Role (April to August of 1832).

The Black Hawk War was a brief but bloody war from April to August 1832 between the United States and Indians led by Black Hawk (Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak; translates to Black Sparrowhawk), a 65-year-old Sauk warrior. In early April, he led some 1,000 Sac, Mesquakie (Fox), and Kickapoo men, women, and children, including about 500 warriors, across the Mississippi River to reclaim land in Illinois that tribal spokesmen had surrendered to the U.S. in 1804. The band’s crossing back into Illinois spurred fear and anger among white settlers, and eventually, a force of some 7,000 mobilized against them - including members of the U.S. Army, state militias, and warriors from various other Indian peoples.

Some 450–600 Indians and 70 soldiers and settlers were killed during the war. By 1837, all surrounding tribes had fled to the West, leaving most of the former Northwest Territory to white settlement. Among those who participated in various roles during the war were a number of men who would figure prominently in U.S. history, including future U.S. presidents Abraham Lincoln and Zachary Taylor, longtime military leader and presidential candidate Winfield Scott [1], and Jefferson Davis, who would become president of the Confederate States of America.

sidebar
The word "Mississippi" comes from the Ojibwe Indian Tribe (Algonquian language family) word "Messipi" or "misi-ziibi," which means "Great River" or "Gathering of Waters." French explorers, hearing the Ojibwe word for the river, recorded it in their own language with a similar pronunciation. The Potawatomi (Algonquian language family) pronounced "Mississippi" as the French said it, "Sinnissippi," which was given the meaning "Rocky Waters."

Background: The Treaty of 1804 and White Settlement of the Northwest Territory
At the center of the Black Hawk War was a treaty between the Sauk and Fox peoples and the United States that had been signed in St. Louis in November 1804, by which the Indians agreed to cede to the United States all of their lands east of the Mississippi and some claims west of it. In exchange, they would receive $1,000 cash ($16,575 today) and goods from the United States annually. From the U.S. perspective, the Treaty of 1804 (also known as the Treaty of St. Louis and was reaffirmed in 1816) was binding and legal. It had been negotiated by William Henry Harrison, the governor of Indiana Territory (which included Illinois in 1804), and was formally ratified by the U.S. Senate in January of 1805. On the other hand, the Sauk and Fox argued that the treaty had been negotiated and signed not by important chiefs but by four men who had not been authorized by the Sauk and Fox tribal councils to cede any land. What the U.S. government saw as a valid treaty, the Sauk and Fox viewed as the invalid result of either an honest misunderstanding or a deliberate fraud.

When the U.S. insisted on the validity of the treaty, it strained an already tense relationship. Indeed, many Sauk and Fox, who had not been pleased when the Americans replaced the Spanish in Louisiana in early 1804, fought for the British in the War of 1812. Nevertheless, under the terms of the treaty, the Indians could remain on their land as long as it was in the possession of the U.S. government - that is, until private settlers purchased it.

The first three decades of the 19th century were a period of tremendous population growth in Illinois, which became a state in 1818. In 1800, there were so few non-Native American residents in what would become Illinois that federal census takers did not even bother counting them, but the end of the War of 1812 brought a huge influx of settlers.

sidebar
Abraham Lincoln served as a volunteer in the Illinois Militia April 21, 1832 – July 10, 1832, during the Black Hawk WarLincoln never saw combat during his tour but was elected captain of his first company. He was also present in the aftermath of two of the war's battles, where he helped to bury the militia dead.

By 1820, the non-Native American population of Illinois had reached 55,000. Ten years later, it had nearly tripled, topping 157,000. As American settlers swept north and west across the states of the Northwest Territory, more and more native groups abandoned their villages and farms for new lands west of the Mississippi. By the late 1820s, the Sauk and Fox villages in the state's northwestern corner comprised the last significant area of native settlement in Illinois.

In addition to cheap fertile farmland, settlers were drawn to the region by the presence of lead, which the Sauk and Fox had mined for decades for their own purposes and to trade. On the eve of the War of 1812, American miners had tried to take over the Fox peoples’ lead mines west of the river (near what is now Dubuque, Iowa) but were driven off by the Fox. After the war, the federal government issued leases to lead miners for lands claimed by the Sauk and Fox. The Indians protested strongly, but the U.S. government supported the miners. Despite the ongoing tension between the American and Native American miners that occasionally erupted into violence during the 1820s, Americans flocked to the region.

This new, mostly white population viewed the Native American population with great concern. Some, including Presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, believed that Native Americans would adopt the culture of white Americans (in their thinking, become “civilized”) and merge into white society, but, like the majority of western settlers, most Illinoisans rejected this belief and saw Indians as not only permanently inferior but dangerous.

Settlers of isolated farms and villages worried about Native American raids, and their fears were not entirely unjustified. It had not been long since Illinois tribes had attacked frontier settlements and federal forts during the War of 1812. Moreover, personal violence between natives and whites (as well as among natives and among whites) was common at the time. 

Typical examples of frontier violence;

Indian Removal and Growing Tensions in Illinois
In the mid-1820s, some southern and western states demanded that the national government take a larger role in Native American affairs. This process began in Georgia, where the governor and the state legislature tried to pressure President John Quincy Adams to remove Creek and Cherokee populations from the state. By the fall of 1827, Illinois Gov. Ninian Edwards had also begun calling on the Adams administration to remove the remaining Indians from his state. Because tribes in Illinois had signed treaties ceding their land within the state decades earlier, Edwards needed only to ask the administration to enforce already existing treaties, not to negotiate new ones. In July 1828, U.S. Secretary of War Peter Porter informed Edwards that the remaining Native Americans had agreed to leave the state by the end of May 1829.

Andrew Jackson, who succeeded Adams as president in March 1829, already had a long history of challenging federal Indian policy - as both a general and a commissioner charged with negotiating land cessions. He believed strongly that it was in the interest of both Native Americans and whites that any eastern Indians who wanted to remain a member of a tribe and practice a native culture should move beyond the Mississippi. Although it met with widespread criticism from the press, the public, and many in Congress, the bill advocated by Jackson that became the Indian Removal Act passed both houses of Congress in May 1830, empowering the president to send commissioners to negotiate removal treaties. However, Jackson’s administration did not believe that a new treaty with the Sauk and Fox was needed. The two tribes had already committed to relocating west of the Mississippi under old treaties (the treaty of 1804 was reaffirmed in the treaty of 1816 of St. Louis by the "Council of Three Fires," also known as the "People of the Three Fires;" the "Three Fires Confederacy;" or the "United Nations of Chippewa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi Indians"), and John Reynolds, the new governor of Illinois, felt confident of federal support for his request that the Sauk and Fox be forced to comply with those old treaties.

In 1828, the agent of the Sauk and Fox, Thomas Forsyth, informed the tribal chiefs that they should begin preparing to abandon their villages and farms east of the Mississippi. The chiefs responded by denying ever ceding this land, thereby straining relations with the federal government, which wanted to start selling the land on the Rock River and the state government. 

As pressure mounted from William Clark, the former explorer turned the federal superintendent of Indian affairs in St. Louis, tensions emerged among the Sauk and Fox. By the spring of 1829, Black Hawk had become a forceful spokesman for the view that the tribes had never knowingly ceded their Illinois lands. Others, notably Black Hawk’s main rival, Keokuk, concluded that because the Sauk and Fox could not possibly resist the United States by force, removal was necessary, if undesirable. In the fall of 1829, Keokuk and his people abandoned their principal settlement, Saukenuk (near modern-day Rock Island, Illinois), and crossed the Mississippi, vowing never to return.

Despite warnings from Keokuk that the tribal council would not support them, Black Hawk and other Sauk and Fox warriors and families returned from their winter quarters in Iowa to Saukenuk in the spring of 1830. The few hundred who returned again in 1831 realized that the white settlers had come to stay but refused to leave the sacred home of their ancestors without being removed by force. Black Hawk’s band also tried to use the 1804 treaty to their advantage, saying they were entitled to return to the land because it was unsold.

Reynolds, who saw the return of Black Hawk’s band in the spring of 1831 as an invasion, called out a mounted militia of 700 men. Gen. Edward Gaines, commander of the Western Division of the U.S. Army, met in Saukenuk with the Sauk and Fox chiefs but refused to allow them to remain even long enough to harvest their corn. This development, coupled with Gaines’s acceptance of Keokuk’s proposal that the government provide the Sauk and Fox with corn for the winter, led many families to recross the Mississippi. By mid-June, with many of the Sauk and Fox about to leave or already gone, Black Hawk sought support from nearby Kickapoo, Potawatomi, and Ho-Chunk (Winnebago), including a Ho-Chunk prophet, White Cloud.

After Gaines was reinforced by 1,400 Illinois militiamen in late June, the remaining Sauk and Fox recrossed the Mississippi. On June 30, Black Hawk and the chiefs of the “British Band” (so-called because they had fought with the British during the War of 1812 and remained on friendly terms with them) were forced to sign “Articles of Agreement and Capitulation.” Under those terms, the humiliated Black Hawk agreed to remain west of the Mississippi, stop visiting British posts in Canada and “submit to the authority of the friendly Chiefs and Braves,” including Keokuk. Nevertheless, Black Hawk later recalled that when he signed this agreement, he “was determined to live in peace.”

In the summer and fall of 1831, frustrated because the government had failed to provide enough corn for them to survive the winter, a few Sauk and Fox men recrossed the river to harvest whatever corn, beans, and squash they could from their old fields. When combined with the anti-Indian sentiment that had swept the West in 1831, Reynolds’s continuing animosity ensured that any new dispute would end in bloodshed. In July 1831, he wrote, “If I am again compelled to call on the Militia of this State, I will place in the field such a force as will exterminate all Indians, who will not let us alone.”

Black Hawk’s Intentions in 1832
If Black Hawk had known Reynolds’s intentions, he might not have led some 800 Sauk and Fox, along with about 200 Kickapoo, back across the Mississippi nine months later, in 1832. He did not want war. He was, however, prepared to defend his people. He also clearly hated the idea of submitting to the authority of Keokuk and the tribal chiefs who had abandoned their homelands without a fight. Black Hawk, White Cloud, and Napope (the most important of the younger but relatively inexperienced rebellious chiefs) led a group of the dissident Sauk and Fox, Kickapoo, and Ho-Chunk that formed what was effectively a separate tribe.

White Cloud invited them to settle permanently at his village on the Rock River (now Prophetstown, Illinois). Napope, who had visited the British at Fort Malden in the summer of 1831, returned with invented pledges of British support - including men, guns, powder, and shot. Moreover, in the spring of 1832, White Cloud told Black Hawk that if the Americans attacked the Sauk and Fox, they would be joined by other tribes and a British force coming down Lake Michigan. With all of this in mind, in April 1832, Black Hawk hoped to return his people to their homes, or at least to lands on the Rock River, and to restore his honor as a warrior. And he believed that he could force the Americans to accept the justice of Sauk and Fox's claims.

The War Begins
By mid-April, just days after Black Hawk’s band entered Illinois, both the U.S. Army and the state militia had mobilized and begun their pursuit. By happenstance, a detachment of federal troops commanded by Gen. Henry Atkinson was already en route to Rock Island on a mission to prevent the Sauk and Fox from warring with the Menominee and Sioux. After arriving on April 12th, Atkinson met with “friendly” Sauk and Fox chiefs whose refusal to help convinced him that Black Hawk’s intentions were hostile. Even though Black Hawk and his warriors were still near the mouth of the Rock River, Atkinson decided not to use his small force to try to stop them. As a result, Black Hawk’s band continued farther up the Rock and deeper into Illinois.
Informed by Atkinson that his force was inadequate to pursue Black Hawk, Reynolds issued a call for 1,200 militia and, on April 17th, wrote to Secretary of War Lewis Cass reporting that the state was “in imminent danger.” Additional federal troops were sent to northwestern Illinois. Eventually, nearly one-third of the U.S. Army was committed to the conflict, along with militia companies from the states of Illinois (which made up the majority of the force arrayed against Black Hawk), Indiana, and Missouri and the territories of Wisconsin and Michigan, as well as warriors from the Menominee, Sioux, Ho-Chunk, and Potawatomi peoples. The militia companies were made up of men from all levels of society (including the 23-year-old store clerk Abraham Lincoln).
As federal and state troops organized against them, Black Hawk’s band proceeded to White Cloud’s Ho-Chunk village. There, Black Hawk’s hopes of living along the Rock in peace collapsed when on April 26th, two Sauk chiefs sent by Atkinson emphasized that the government would not allow Black Hawk’s band to remain east of the Mississippi. Black Hawk also learned that no British assistance would show up. Moreover, fearful of exposure to the army attack, the Ho-Chunk were unwilling to allow Black Hawk’s band to settle in their village.

Sometime in early May, Black Hawk’s band left White Cloud’s village and continued up the Rock River, hoping the Potawatomi would provide the food and support the Ho-Chunk had refused them. However, at the Kishwaukee River (near modern Rockford, Illinois), Black Hawk learned from Potawatomi chiefs that he could expect little from them. With no provisions and no allies, Black Hawk decided in mid-May that the band should return peacefully down the Rock to the Mississippi. But, before they could leave, on May 14th, word came that 200–300 Illinois militiamen were less than 10 miles away. Black Hawk sent three warriors under a flag of truce to attempt to arrange a meeting that would negotiate the band’s safe return down the Rock. However, none of the militiamen spoke Sauk, and they seized the emissaries and pursued the other warriors who had accompanied them.

They launched an attack on Black Hawk’s main camp, but the attack was sufficiently disorganized and easily repulsed. Relatively few - about a dozen militiamen and a handful of Black Hawk’s warriors - were killed in the so-called Battle of Stillman’s Run. This first encounter of the Black Hawk War destroyed any hope of peace. Governor Reynolds responded by calling out another 2,000 militiamen. Despite his amazement at how easily a few of his warriors had driven off nearly 10 times as many soldiers, Black Hawk decided that the band could not return down the Rock but would have to continue north to avoid its pursuers before negotiating peace or turning west.

Raids and Retreat
During the next two months, Black Hawk’s band moved north into the swampy region known as the “trembling lands” around Lake Koshkonong in southern Wisconsin. There, Black Hawk hoped to find food for his starving people and at least temporary relief from the pursuers. However, from their bases at Dixon’s Ferry and Galena, Illinois (Galena's Old Stockade), General Atkinson and Col. Henry Dodge continued sending out troops in search of Black Hawk. Neither Atkinson nor Black Hawk attempted to negotiate peace. Throughout this period, loosely supervised armed groups, Indian and white, tangled with each other across northern Illinois and southern Wisconsin. Some of these clashes involved as many as a couple of hundred men on each side, others as few as a dozen.

Within a week after the Battle of Stillman’s Run, a group of Potawatomi, who may not have been connected with Black Hawk’s band, attacked a settlement at Indian Creek in Illinois on May 20th. In the resulting Indian Creek Massacre, 15 whites were killed, scalped, and mutilated. Two teenage girls were taken captive and then later ransomed. Another early encounter was the Battle of the Pecatonica in southwestern Wisconsin. Eleven Kickapoo, who had attacked a group of settlers on June 14th and ambushed another settler on June 16th were trapped, killed, and scalped that day at a bend in the Pecatonica River by soldiers. Also, on June 16th, six Sauk warriors and three Illinois militiamen were killed in a battle at Kellogg’s Grove, near present-day Kent, Illinois.

Black Hawk led attacks on two forts in northwestern Illinois. On June 24th he and roughly 200 Sauk and Fox warriors assaulted a small stockade on the Apple River near modern Elizabeth, Illinois, and then gathered badly needed provisions from the nearby settlers’ cabins and farms. The next day, Black Hawk’s party tried to ambush the soldiers who had been left to defend the small fort at Kellogg’s Grove, but the militia pursued the party instead. In the series of clashes that ensued (sometimes referred to as the Second Battle of Kellogg’s Grove), at least nine of Black Hawk’s warriors died.

Gen. Winfield Scott assumed command of the war effort on June 15th and took 800 soldiers west via the Great Lakes; however, en route, they fell victim to a cholera epidemic, and upon their arrival in Chicago on July 10th, fewer than a quarter of the men remained healthy and were quarantined. In the meantime, Atkinson searched for Black Hawk’s main camp with a mostly mounted force of about 400 army regulars (under future president Col. Zachary Taylor) and more than 2,000 Illinois militiamen. In early July, Atkinson’s scouts found an abandoned camp at Lake Koshkonong but could not pick up the band’s trail.

The Battle of Wisconsin Heights
On July 18th, militiamen discovered a fresh trail, along which they encountered dozens of starving Sauk and Fox, mostly old people and children. Some of them were already dead; the rest were quickly killed. Small groups of warriors also stayed behind to try to slow the progress of their pursuers. Late in the afternoon of July 21st, 750 Illinois and Wisconsin militiamen commanded by Gen. James Henry and Colonel Dodge caught up to Black Hawk’s rearguard just east of the Wisconsin River (some 20 miles northwest of modern Madison, Wisconsin). As most of the band crossed the river, Sauk warriors under Napope and Black Hawk fought the militia in a steady rain. The militia had a commanding position in the heights above the river, but the Indians found cover in the ravines below. Henry and Dodge broke off the attack with the light dimming and their men exhausted. During the night, the remaining Sauk and Fox slipped across the river.

Even though Black Hawk’s band had made it across the river, the Battle of Wisconsin Heights had been devastating. Estimates of the Sauk and Fox dead reached as high as 70, whereas the militiamen had suffered only 7 or 8 casualties (including 1 death). Early the next morning, Napope’s plea that his people be allowed to recross the Mississippi was lost on the militia, who were unable to translate his peace offering.

Black Hawk’s band had shrunk steadily over the three months between its peak size of some 1,000 in late April and the Battle of Wisconsin Heights. Most of the Ho-Chunk and Potawatomi had returned to their own villages. After his failed effort at peacemaking, Napope himself deserted the band. As Black Hawk’s force disintegrated, his pursuers continued to coalesce. On July 27th and 28th, almost a week after Black Hawk’s departure from the Battle of Wisconsin Heights site, about 1,300 men under Atkinson crossed the river at Helena, Wisconsin. Over the next few days, Atkinson’s well-fed, well-rested mounted force fairly quickly closed the gap between themselves and the exhausted Sauk and Fox.

Massacre at Bad Axe and Surrender
On August 1st, Black Hawk’s band of perhaps 500 men, women, and children reached the eastern bank of the Mississippi, a few miles downriver from the Bad Axe River in Wisconsin. Black Hawk and White Cloud suggested breaking up into small groups, turning north, and hiding out in the Ho-Chunk villages, but most of the Sauk and Fox wanted to build rafts to cross the river as quickly as possible. Some got across the Mississippi that day, but these efforts were interrupted by the appearance of the Warrior, a steamboat bearing artillery and 20 soldiers that were returning southward from a visit to the Sioux. 
Massacre at Bad Axe
Under a white flag, Black Hawk waded out into the river and tried, once again, to surrender. As at Stillman’s Run and Wisconsin Heights, however, the soldiers could not understand him. After 10 or 15 minutes of failed communications, the soldiers on the Warrior opened fire on the unprepared Sauk and Fox. After a two-hour battle, the Warrior’s fuel supply was nearly exhausted, and it headed downriver, but not before nearly two dozen Indians had been killed.

Convinced that safety lay to the north among the Ho-Chunk or Ojibwe villages rather than across the river, Black Hawk pleaded with his people, but few were willing to follow him. Late on August 1st, Black Hawk, White Cloud, and 30–40 others left the main band and headed north. A few more Sauk and Fox crossed the river before darkness made it too dangerous. Most remained on the eastern bank.

Early on August 2nd, the Battle of Bad Axe began when Atkinson’s forces encountered the Sauk rearguard, who only temporarily successfully led the soldiers away from the band’s main camp. The warriors fought to allow time for more women and children to cross the river. As Atkinson’s troops pushed the warriors toward the river, the steamboat returned, firing its cannon into the Indians from behind. The slaughter on the eastern bank of the river continued for eight hours. The soldiers shot at anyone - man, woman, or child - whether they tried to swim across the river or to surrender. They also scalped most of the dead bodies.

Of the roughly 400 Indians east of the Mississippi at the time of the battle, most were killed, some escaped across the river, and a few were taken prisoner. Most of the 150 or so who traversed the Mississippi on August 1st and 2nd were tracked down and killed or captured within a few weeks by Sioux warriors acting in support of the army.

During the month after the Battle of Bad Axe, U.S. Army officers and soldiers, federal agents with the different northwestern tribes, and many Native Americans worked to round up anyone associated, however distantly, with Black Hawk. On August 20th the “friendly” Sauk and Fox under Keokuk took Napope and a number of other chiefs and warriors to General Scott at Fort Armstrong on Rock Island. Black Hawk and White Cloud spent much of the month preparing to surrender. Having fled to the northeast, the two leaders, abandoned by the last of the warriors who had accompanied them, traveled to the Ho-Chunk village at La Crosse, Wisconsin, where they rested before surrendering to the Ho-Chunk agent at Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin, on August 27th.

Aftermath and Significance
Prisoners who had been taken by the army at Bad Axe, as well as those brought in by the Sioux over the next few weeks, were moved to Fort Armstrong on Rock Island. There, within a few miles of Saukenuk, more than 120 men, women, and children were held until the end of August, when most of them were released, partly because the cholera epidemic had reached the fort, and Scott worried that it would spread rapidly through prisoners and soldiers alike. Eleven men - including Black Hawk, White Cloud, and Napope - remained in custody after September 1st and were conveyed by Lieut. Jefferson Davis to confinement in St. Louis. 

In the spring, five were turned over to Keokuk. In April 1833, Black Hawk, White Cloud, Napope, and three others were sent to Washington, D.C. After meeting with President Jackson, they were held in Fort Monroe in Virginia for several weeks before being returned to Fort Armstrong via a circuitous route through most of the large cities of the East, where immense crowds clamored to see them. White Cloud and his son were released in Prairie du Chien in mid-July; in October, Keokuk and other Sauk and Fox leaders took charge of Black Hawk and the others.

It is impossible to know exactly how many Indians died in the Black Hawk War, but estimates range between 450 and 600. Some were killed in the fighting, and others were hunted down by Indians fighting on the American side. Many simply died of starvation. On the other side, some 70 soldiers and settlers died in the conflict.

In late September of 1832, Scott and Reynolds met with the Sauk and Fox chiefs and demanded most of eastern Iowa as an indemnity for the war, offering an annual payment of $20,000 for the next 30 years. As a result of Keokuk’s negotiating, the Fox and Sauk also received a 400-square-mile reserve. In the end, as a result of the Black Hawk War, the friendly Sauk and Fox found themselves stripped of valuable and extensive landholdings and dependent, economically and politically, on the United States. An equally severe treaty was forced on the Ho-Chunk, some of whom had joined Black Hawk and some of whom had helped Atkinson.

The Black Hawk War involved a number of men who would go on to important national political and military careers, not least three future presidents: Abraham Lincoln, Zachary Taylor, and Jefferson Davis. One important figure who did not benefit from his role in the Black Hawk War was Atkinson, whose subordinates in the field and superiors in Washington believed that he had badly mishandled the conflict - first by allowing it to turn bloody and then by failing to crush it immediately once it did. Following the war, the official report to Congress papered over Atkinson’s shortcomings, but Taylor later argued that Black Hawk’s band could have been “removed back to the West side of the Mississippi, without there being a gun fired,” if the regular army troops under Atkinson, rather than the militia, had met them first.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 



[1] Black Hawk War conflict. General Winfield Scott led 1,000 troops to Fort Armstrong to assist the U.S. Army garrison and militia volunteers stationed there. While General Scott's army was en route along the Great Lakes, his troops had contracted Asiatic cholera before they left the state of New York; it killed most of his 1,000 soldiers. Only 220 U.S. Army regulars from the original force made the final march from Fort Dearborn in Chicago to Rock Island, Illinois. Winfield Scott and his troops likely carried the highly contagious disease with them; soon after their arrival at Rock Island, a local cholera epidemic broke out among the whites and Indians around the area of Fort Armstrong. Cholera microbes were spread, through sewery-type, contaminated water, which mixed with clean drinking water, brought on by poor sanitation practices of the day. Within eight days, 189 people died and were buried on the island.

By the time Scott arrived in Illinois, the conflict had come to a close with the army's victory at the Battle of Bad Axe. Also known as the Bad Axe Massacre it was a battle between Sauk (Sac) and Meskwaki (Fox) Indians and United States Army regulars and militia that occurred on August 1st and 2nd of 1832. This final Black Hawk War battle occurred near present-day Victory, Wisconsin.