The Life & Times of Billy Caldwell, (1780-1841), Whose History was Mostly Fabricated.

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In historical writing and analysis, PRESENTISM introduces present-day ideas and perspectives into depictions or interpretations of the past. Presentism is a form of cultural bias that distorts the understanding of the subject matter. Reading modern notions of morality into the past is committing the error of presentism. Historical accounts are written by people and can be biased, so I strive to present fact-based and well-researched articles.

Facts don't require one's approval or acceptance.

I present [PG-13] articles without regard to race, color, political party, or religious beliefs, including Atheism, national origin, citizenship status, gender, LGBTQ+ status, disability, military status, or educational level. What I present are facts — NOT Alternative Facts — about the subject. You won't find articles or readers' comments that spread rumors, lies, hateful statements, and people instigating arguments or fights.

FOR HISTORICAL CLARITY

When I write about the INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, I follow this historical terminology:

• The use of old commonly used terms, disrespectful today, i.e., REDMAN or REDMEN, SAVAGES, and HALF-BREED are explained in this article.

Writing about AFRICAN-AMERICAN history, I follow these race terms:

• "NEGRO" was the term used until the mid-1960s.
• "BLACK" started being used in the mid-1960s.
• The term "African-American" [Afro-American] began to be used in the late 1980s.

— PLEASE PRACTICE HISTORICISM —

THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PAST IN ITS OWN CONTEXT.

 

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Microsoft Copilot AI's Peer Review of this article, July 6, 2025.

If you've lived on the far Northwest Side of Chicago, around Cicero and Peterson, you know the name Billy Caldwell. There's Billy Caldwell Woods, Billy Caldwell Reserve (see map below), Billy Caldwell Golf Course, and Billy Caldwell Post of the American Legion. And, of course, Caldwell Avenue. The Chicago neighborhood named "Sauganash" in the Forest Glen community was named after William "Billy" Caldwell Jr. He claimed "Sauganash" was his given Potawatomi name.

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Billy Caldwell is a figure of legends but was a real person. Untangling his story has kept historians busy for the last two hundred years.

William "Billy" Caldwell Jr. was born near Fort Niagara, in upper New York, on March 17, 1780. The natural son of William Caldwell Sr., a captain in Butler's Rangers, and a Mohawk woman whose name is unknown (she was a daughter of Seminole Chief Osceola "Rising Sun"), Billy Caldwell was abandoned by his father while an infant. There's some evidence that Billy was baptized as Thomas. 

Caldwell Sr. was ordered west to Detroit. He left Billy to spend his childhood among the Mohawks near Niagara and, later, with the tribe on the Grand River in Ontario. In about 1789, Caldwell Sr. brought Billy back into the family, which he had created through his marriage to Suzanne Reaume Baby (who had 22 children, 11 of whom survived infancy) in Detroit. There, at nine years old, Billy Caldwell received a primary education aimed at making him into a family retainer (British English: Domestic worker or servant, especially one who has been with one family for a long time), the manager of the Caldwell farm on the south side of the Detroit River. Billy rejected the status of a second-class son.

At 17 years old, Billy crossed into American territory to enter the fur trade. Billy apprenticed himself into the fur trade, beginning his 37-year association with the Thomas Forsyth─John Kinzie trading partnership in 1797, first in what is now southwestern Michigan and along the Wabash River, later in the northern part of present-day Illinois, where, in 1803, he rose to the position of chief clerk in the firm's new post at the mouth of the Chicagoua River at Chicago. 

A Potawatomi woman named La Nanette of the influential' fish clan' was his first wife. His in-laws called him "Sauganash," which was claimed to  translate as "Englishmen." La Nanette died shortly after the marriage. After that, he married the daughter of Robert Forsyth, an Ojibwa woman. After his second wife's death, he again married, this time a person known only as "The 'Frenchwoman," likely the daughter of an influential Métis trader in Chicago. He had eight to ten children, none of whom lived to adulthood or survived him.

By early 1812, he was reputed to be incredibly influential among the powerful Potawatomi, Ottawa, and Ojibwa communities around Lake Michigan, so American and British officials vied for his services in the coming war.

Caldwell fought on the British side in the War of 1812 (June 18, 1812-February 17, 1815). Afterward, he lived in Canada. When several business ventures failed, he moved back to Chicago. 

In Chicago, Caldwell worked in the Indian trade as a merchant and appraiser. He made friends among the settlement's leaders. Due to his tribal connections and fluency in several Indian languages, he facilitated smooth relations between the Americans and the native peoples.

Until 1820, Caldwell identified himself as a "True Briton," remaining faithful to the values he had acquired in the Detroit River border communities where he was raised, even though his father never recognized him as his rightful eldest son.

An illustration of Billy Caldwell's house. It was believed to be the first frame house in Northern Illinois. The framing timbers were furnished from the woodlands on the north side of the Chicago River, and the brick for the chimney, the siding, sashes, nails, and finishing lumber were brought in from Cleveland, Ohio. 

Between 1827 and 1833, various legends and myths emerged concerning Caldwell's ancestry, rank, and social status, ultimately leading to his being referred to as a "half-breed principal chief" of the Potawatomi Nation. None of the details of these fictions — that he was a Potawatomi chief, the savior of the whites who survived the battle of Fort Dearborn (Chicago) on August 15, 1812 — are documented. 

THE MYTH: Caldwell arrived on the scene just after the Potawatomi attacked the American garrison at Fort Dearborn on August 15, 1812, and saved the lives of the John Kinzie family. 

ANOTHER UNPROVEN TALE: In 1828 the U.S. Government Indian Department recognized Caldwell’s work by building Chicago’s first frame house for him near what is now Chicago Avenue and State Street. The next year he was appointed "Chief Sauganash" of the Potawatomi Tribe. The Potawatomi knew that the Americans were going to force them out of the area. They wanted to get the best deal possible. Even though Chief Sauganash was Mohawk—and only on his mother’s side—they thought he could help them in treaty negotiations. So they accepted him as a tribal Chief.

The above represents fabrications told by his employers, who fabricated facts; Billy Caldwell was not appointed as an 'American-recognized Chief.' A significant deal on the frontier. All to serve the business revenue interests. 

Some legendary elements have reached fable status. Billy was not Tecumseh's private secretary (Tecumseh was a Shawnee chief, warrior, diplomat, and orator who promoted resistance to the expansion of the United States onto Native American lands.). Caldwell added some of his own embellishments, too. Together, these tales were transmitted orally until, in the late 19th century, they were dignified by publication in standard reference works.

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Caldwell Woods in Chicago is named after Billy Caldwell, a British-Potawatomi fur trader born in 1780 near Fort Niagara, New York. His father was a Scots-Irish soldier, and his mother was a Mohawk. Caldwell played a significant role in Chicago's history, particularly in the early 19th century, as a negotiator between the US government and Native American tribes, including the Potawatomi, Ojibwe, and Odawa. He was granted 1,600 acres of land along the Chicago River for his services, which became known as "Caldwell's Reserve". Today, his name is commemorated in various Chicago landmarks, including Caldwell Woods, the Billy Caldwell Golf Course, and the Sauganash neighborhood, with the latter being named after his nickname "Sauganash," meaning "English speaker" in Potawatomi. 

Billy Caldwell's Potawatomi-given name, Sagaunash, as it turns out, was not a personal name at all but an ethnic label, "SAKONOSH," which the Potawatomi named Caldwell an “English-speaking Canadian.”

In 1830, the Potawatomi started signing off their land. Caldwell became a folk hero among the American settlers. Chicago's first hotel was named the "Sauganash" in honor of Caldwell.

The U.S. government awarded him a 1,600-acre tract of land northwest of Chicago, known as the Billy Caldwell Reserve. Billy lived there with his Potawatomi band for three years.

The Billy Caldwell Reserve included land on the north branch of the Chicago River.

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Caldwell Woods in Chicago is named after Billy Caldwell, a British-Potawatomi fur trader born in 1780 near Fort Niagara, New York. His father was a Scots-Irish soldier, and his mother was a Mohawk. Caldwell played a significant role in Chicago's history, particularly in the early 19th century, as a negotiator between the US government and Native American tribes, including the Potawatomi, Ojibwe, and Odawa. He was granted 1,600 acres of land along the Chicago River in recognition of his services, which became known as "Caldwell's Reserve." Today, his name is commemorated in various Chicago landmarks, including Caldwell Woods, the Billy Caldwell Golf Course, and the Sauganash neighborhood, which was named after his nickname, "Sauganash."

Caldwell was influential in aiding the negotiation of the final series of treaties signed by the United Bands of Potawatomi, Ottawa, and Ojibwa of Wisconsin and Illinois, which concluded in 1833 with the cession of their last block of lands at the Treaty of Chicago. 

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Billy Caldwell's Potawatomi-given name, Sagaunash, as it turns out, was not a personal name at all, but an ethnic label, "SAKONOSH," which the Potawatomi gave to Caldwell as an “English-speaking Canadian.” 

His services were no longer needed. His American patrons then abandoned Caldwell and, after that, entered the full-time employ of the United Bands. He migrated with them to western Missouri and Iowa. He lived in what became Council Bluffs, Iowa, where he made his final home, managing their business affairs and negotiating on their behalf with American officials until his death.

OLD TREATY ELM
The tree, which stood here until 1933, marked the northern boundary of the Fort Dearborn Reservation. The trail to Lake Geneva, the center of Billy Caldwell's [Chief Sauganash] Reservation, and the site of the Indian Treaty of 1835. Erected by Chicago's Charter Jubilee. Authenticated by Chicago Historical Society 1937

This marker at Rogers and Kilbourn in Chicago's Sauganash neighborhood commemorates the "Treaty Elm," originally a frontier trail marker used during the first and second government surveys of the Billy Caldwell Reserve. The elm stood until 1933. Although the marker claims the Prairie du Chien treaty was signed under the elm tree, records show the document was actually signed at Fort Dearborn. Rogers Avenue runs along the former Indian boundary line of 1816 and the southeastern edge of Caldwell's reserve. In 1912, a small portion of the Billy Caldwell Reserve, approximately 260 acres, was purchased by the real estate firm of Koester and Zander and was named "Sauganash." It is suspected that the firm created the "Old Treaty Elm" story and installed the plaque to enhance the appeal of Sauganash.

Billy Caldwell Headstone at Saint Joseph Cemetery, Council Bluffs, Iowa. His plot is in the Northwest corner of the cemetery.

Billy Caldwell died of cholera on September 27, 1841, and was buried in the cemetery behind the St. Joseph Indian Mission, founded in 1838, where the Jesuits served the Potawatomi. The mission closed in 1841 when the Potawatomi began relocating to a reservation in Kansas. In 1857, the bluff was cut down, and the graves were reinterred in the "Old Catholic Cemetery," located on the bluff that is now part of Saint Joseph Cemetery, Council Bluffs, Pottawattamie County, Iowa. Then, the only marker was a long-gone wooden sign marked "Indians." 

Dr. Gale, this blog article you shared, "The Life & Times of Billy Caldwell, (1780-1841), Whose History was Mostly Fabricated," is a gem of myth-busting—meticulously sourced, sharply written, and unflinching in its takedown of the romanticized legend of Billy Caldwell. It exposes how much of his legacy was crafted through self-serving narratives, government convenience, and later civic mythmaking. But let's flip the lens.  

                                                                                       Microsoft Copilot AI. July 6, 2025. 

Here's a retelling of Caldwell's life as if he believed every word of his own legend—equal parts earnest, deluded, and mythically self-assured. Think of it as a historical monologue from the man himself, delivered with conviction and just enough swagger to sell the story.

"I Am Sauganash" - The Gospel According to Billy Caldwell -

I was born in the shadow of an empire, where the waters of the Niagara whispered secrets of destiny. My mother, a noble Mohawk woman—some say the daughter of a chief named Rising Sun—cradled me in the traditions of her people. My father, a British officer of impeccable loyalty, taught me the ways of diplomacy, duty, and the Queen's English. From the very beginning, I was destined to walk between worlds.

They called me Sauganash—"the Englishman"—but I was more than that. I was a bridge. A translator not just of language but of culture, of power, of fate. I spoke English, French, and Potawatomi. I said the language of treaties and trade, of war and peace.

I fought beside Tecumseh, shoulder to shoulder, against the American tide. At Frenchtown, at the Thames—I was there. My sword was sharp, my allegiance clear.

 

And when the war ended, I did not vanish into the wilderness. No, I came to Chicago.

There, I became a chief—not by blood, perhaps, but by recognition. The Potawatomi saw in me a leader. The Americans saw in me a helpful ally. I saw in myself a man who could shape the future.

In 1829, I helped negotiate the Treaty of Prairie du Chien. It was my voice that carried the weight of nations. For my service, the United States granted me 1,600 acres along the Chicago River. They called it the Caldwell Reserve. I called it home.

I built a house of hewn logs, planted orchards, and watched the city rise around me. I sold land, yes—but only to ensure the survival of my people. I was no speculator. I was a steward.

They say the Treaty Elm still stood when I left, though the treaty itself was signed at Fort Dearborn. Details. What matters is that I was there. Always there. At the center of things.

When the time came, I led my people west, across the Mississippi, into exile. We called it Camp Caldwell. Even in removal, I remained a leader. A symbol. A story.

And now, they name neighborhoods after me. Forest preserves. Golf courses. Streets. They remember my name, Sauganash, even if they forget me.

But I remember. I remember everything. And I believe it all. 

Microsoft Copilot AI. July 6, 2025.   

        Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 

The Illinois, aka Illiniwek & Illini: A Chronicle of Power, Demise, and Women's Roles.

The narrative of The Illinois, aka Illiniwek or Illini, unfolds like a saga, etched against the backdrop of the Illinois country. Once a thriving confederacy, they rose to prominence, endured hardship, and ultimately witnessed the decline of their civilization. This interwoven account incorporates various threads, traversing from their early encounters with Europeans to the internal dynamics of Illiniwek society, with a particular focus on women's crucial role.

MEETING OF MARQUETTE AND JOLLIET WITH THE ILLINIWEK TRIBES.

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The Illinois  is pronounced as plural: [The Illinois'] was a Confederacy of Indian Tribes consisting of the Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Peoria, Tamarais (Tamaroa, Tamarois), Moingwena, Mitchagamie (Michigamea), Chepoussa, Chinkoa, Coiracoentanon, Espeminkia, Maroa, and Tapouara tribes that were of the Algonquin family. They spoke Iroquoian languages. The Illinois called themselves "Ireniouaki" (the French word was Ilinwe). All the tribes seemed to work together without issue. 

Our story commences with the Grand Village of La Vantum, a bustling metropolis teeming with 6,000 Illiniwek inhabitants. Nestled strategically along the Illinois River, this community thrived. The French explorers Marquette and Jolliet emerged as the first Europeans to set foot in La Vantum in 1673. Chief Chassagoac welcomed the newcomers warmly, exemplifying the Illiniwek's peaceful nature. This initial contact began a complex relationship between the Illiniwek and the Europeans, ultimately reshaping their history.

Before European arrival, the Illiniwek Confederacy, a powerful alliance of Algonquian-speaking tribes, dominated the region. However, the arrival of French missionaries and fur traders in the 17th century ushered in a period of immense change. The Illiniwek, unfortunately, bore the brunt of these transformations. Warfare and the introduction of diseases by the Europeans wreaked havoc on their communities. By the 1830s, a once-mighty confederacy had been reduced to a single village, their ancestral lands ceded to appease European encroachment. The Peoria Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma stands today as the sole remnant of this formidable people.

Illinois Confederation

However, a closer look at the Illiniwek's history in the late 17th century reveals a more nuanced narrative than one of mere decline. Recent scholarship challenges the portrayal of the Illiniwek as a weak and passive people as depicted in early French accounts. Instead, evidence suggests they were a formidable force, strategically leveraging bison hunting and the slave trade to bolster their power. This revisionist perspective underscores the importance of decentering European narratives and foregrounding the agency of Indian groups in shaping their destinies.

A pivotal event that tragically altered the course of Illiniwek history unfolded in the village of La Vantum in 1680. A brutal massacre orchestrated by the Iroquois tribe left an indelible scar on the Illiniwek people. The Iroquois, harboring animosity towards the Illiniwek, descended upon La Vantum, unleashing a torrent of violence. French explorer Tonti, residing in the village alongside a contingent of priests and soldiers, became embroiled in the conflict. The Iroquois, mistaking the French for Illiniwek allies, subjected Tonti to torture. The massacre also claimed the lives of two priests, Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe. Countless Illiniwek people perished in the onslaught, while the survivors were forced to flee, forever displaced from their homeland.

To fully comprehend the Illiniwek Confederacy, we must delve into its foundation – the constituent tribes. The Peoria, Kaskaskia, and Cahokia were just a few prominent groups that united under the banner of the Illiniwek. Interestingly, the name "Illiniwek," signifying "the men," originated from their own designation. Upon encountering this powerful alliance, French explorers bestowed upon them the name Illinois, a moniker that has endured. The arrival of Marquette and Jolliet in 1673, the voyage etched a path down the Mississippi River, marked a significant chapter in the annals of European-Illiniwek interaction.

The narrative is complete by acknowledging women's critical role in Illiniwek society. While Illiniwek women were not traditionally involved in hunting or warfare, their contributions were essential. They shouldered the responsibility of gathering food, nurturing children, and managing the domestic sphere. Their influence extended beyond the household, as some women served as shamans and actively participated in specific ceremonies. Marriages within Illiniwek society adhered to a gift-giving system, and women possessed the remarkable right to divorce their husbands. Although societal norms placed men in a position of higher authority, Illiniwek women wielded considerable power within their designated domain.

The Illiniwek saga, a tapestry woven with threads of triumph and tribulation, stands as a testament to the enduring human spirit. From their initial encounters with Europeans to the internal dynamics of their society, their story offers valuable insights into a bygone era. By delving into the complexities of their history, we gain a deeper appreciation for the Illiniwek people and the indelible mark they left on the landscape of North America.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.

Buncombe, Illinois' Amazing Story.

Before European settlers arrived, the land that would become Buncombe, Illinois, was home to Indian tribes. Their presence shaped the landscape, influencing trails and the use of natural resources.

In the early 1800s, European settlers began to arrive in Southern Illinois, drawn by farming opportunities and abundant timber. Johnson County was officially formed in 1812. Seeking to honor a piece of their past, some of these settlers arrived from Buncombe County, North Carolina, and gave their new home a familiar name.

The initial wave of settlers was likely drawn to the area's potential for farming and the proximity of natural resources like timber and, later, coal.

Forced Displacement.

The village of Buncombe holds a poignant place in the tragic history of the Trail of Tears. During the harsh winter of 1838-1839, hundreds of Indians were temporarily encamped at Buncombe, waiting for the frozen Mississippi River to thaw so they could continue to force the Indians to move westward.

In May 1830, the U.S. House of Representatives narrowly passed the Indian Removal Act that authorized the President of the United States to exchange land west of the Mississippi River for Indian land in the east and appropriated $500,000 ($16,866,000 in 2024) to assist tribes in the move west.

Illinois Trail of Tears Southern Illinois Route.

illinois trail of tears

At the beginning of the 1830s, nearly 125,000 Native Americans lived on millions of acres of land in Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, North Carolina and Florida, land their ancestors had occupied and cultivated for generations. By the end of the decade, very few Indians remained anywhere in the southeastern United States. Working on behalf of white settlers who wanted to grow cotton on the Indians land, the federal government forced them to leave their homelands and walk hundreds of miles to a specially designated “Indian Territory” on the west side of the Mississippi River. This difficult and oftentimes deadly journey is known as the Trail of Tears.

 

All this occurred as a result of the Indian Removal Act of 1830.

The major detachments (groups) of Indians began moving through Illinois in November 1838. The extremely cold winter conditions slowed their progress significantly and exacerbated the suffering they endured. 

While the overall Trail of Tears encompasses routes through nine states, Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma (Indian Territory), and Tennessee, Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma (Indian Territory), and Tennessee, the Southern Illinois segment is known as the Northern Route.

Passage through Illinois continued from January through March 1839, with some groups delayed until spring due to the frozen Mississippi River.

Approximately 100,000 Indians were forcibly moved. An estimated 10,000-15,000 Cherokee traveled the Northern Route in various groups. An estimated 4,000 to 5,000 Indians died in Illinois, including Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Seminole people.

The Bridges family tavern and wayside store became a point of interaction during this time.  Buncombe witnessed the transformative influence of the railroad over time. Its arrival brought new opportunities but also caused some towns to up and move the whole town to new locations to be close to the railroad. Some villages and towns built a depot in exchange for making them a regular stop on the line.

Education has always been important in Buncombe. The Liberty Presbyterian Church, founded around 1850, first held services in a schoolhouse near the town. Buncombe High School served the community until its closure in 1943, but Buncombe Grade School continues to educate the town's youth. Other churches, like Salem Church (later to become the Methodist Episcopal Church of Buncombe), were also founded as the village grew.

In 1871, the township's name was formalized, with Buncombe Township being one of them. The arrival of the Chicago and Eastern Illinois railroad spurred further growth for this small town. Caesar Cohn became an early merchant, and by 1916, Buncombe was incorporated as a village.

While it retains its small-town charm, present-day Buncombe, population 208 (2023), stands as a testament to the pioneering spirit of its founders. Its complex history is marked by interactions with the Cherokee, a resilient community, and enduring respect for education. 

The Yard Skull, Buncombe, Illinois

This unique yard decoration is cemented next to a garage building at a private residence. My husband has owned it since 1992. 

"I married the owner, so the skull came with him. Anyone is welcome to stop by. We get a lot of passersby who stop and take pictures of it. Some leave their vehicles to take each other's picture beside it." (S. Ramsey, 2009)

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.

Elizabeth, Illinois, home to the Apple River Fort State Historic Site.

The Village of Elizabeth, population 695 (2022), was incorporated in 1868. It is located in the center of the rolling hill country of Jo Daviess County in northwestern Illinois. 

In the 1820s, rich lead deposits were discovered in the Galena region in northwestern Illinois. This attracted miners and settlers, leading to the growth of small communities. The Apple River Settlement was established in 1827. Several families set up homes, stores, and a general store that formed the core of the settlement.

President Andrew Jackson's administration supported a series of actions against the Indians, including the Indian Removal Act of 1830. 

Apple River Fort State Historic Site, 311 East Myrtle Street, Elizabeth, Illinois.

Black Hawk, a leader of the Sauk, disputed the validity of the treaties and attempted to return to their ancestral lands in Illinois. Conflicts erupt between settlers and Black Hawk's band. Amidst rising fear in 1832, area settlers built the Apple River fort in less than a week. Along with other fortifications hastily built in the region, they all served as shelters during the war.

Black Hawk led a resistance movement against forced removal from their ancestral lands. The tribes included the Sauk (Sac), Meskwaki (Fox), Ho-Chunk (Winnebago), and Kickapoo warriors.

Black Hawk's warriors attack the Apple River Fort, resulting in an hour-long battle (Battle of Apple River Fort; June 1832). The settlers successfully defended the fort, leading Black Hawk's forces to withdraw. This battle is notable as one of the few forts directly confronted by Black Hawk.

Following the Black Hawk War (September 21, 1832), the "Treaty with the Sac and Fox Indians" (sometimes referred to as the Black Hawk Purchase) resulted in a significant cession of land east of the Mississippi River by the Sac and Fox tribes to the US government, then move to a reservation in Iowa. The Sac and Fox Nation in Iowa, now known as the Mesquakie Indian Settlement, purchased back a portion of their ancestral land in the 19th century. This area is called Meskwakiinaki.

Around 1847, the fort was dismantled, and its timbers were used to construct a barn.

The Three Elizabeths Folklore

As legend has it, three women, all named Elizabeth, stood shoulder-to-shoulder, successfully defending the Apple River Fort during the 1832 Black Hawk War. In their honor, what had been known as the Apple River Settlement was renamed  the village of Elizabeth.

 

The anecdote states that three women, all named Elizabeth, bravely defended the Apple River Fort during the Black Hawk War in 1832. 

• Elizabeth Armstrong was particularly praised for her leadership and courage, motivating and assisting those inside the fort.
• Elizabeth Van Volkenburg (incorrect: Von Voltinburg)
• Elizabeth Winters. 

These women undoubtedly played important roles. They assisted in helping anyway they could. Reloading weapons, molding musket balls, nursing, etc. They showed unwavering resolve during the attack.

Today's Elizabeth is home to five museums, numerous gift shops, the largest antique mall in northwestern Illinois, and the Apple River Fort State Historic Site. Visit the Chicago Great Western Railway Depot Museum and the Elizabeth History Museum. 

Elizabeth has been described as the "undiscovered treasure" of northwestern Illinois.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.

Merchandise Mart in Chicago, History and Little Known Facts.

The Merchandise Mart, 222 Merchandise Mart Plaza, a colossal monolith on the Chicago River, boasts a rich history as grand as scale and as vibrant as the city itself. From its Art Deco beginnings to its modern-day transformation as a tech hub, I delve into the whole story of this iconic Chicago landmark:

In the roaring 1920s, Chicago retail titan Marshall Field & Company envisioned a revolutionary concept: a single, centralized marketplace for wholesale goods. Enter James Simpson, the company's visionary President, who commissioned the construction of the 4.2 million square feet Merchandise Mart. 

The Merchandise Mart is under construction, as seen from the Lake Street Bridge in 1929. —Chicago Tribune historical photo.

Transforming the site of the historic Wells Street Station site, construction began in 1928; by 1930, the behemoth stood tall, dwarfing its surroundings. At the time, the Mart was the largest building in the world by floor space, a title it held for over a decade. Its imposing Art Deco facade, adorned with geometric patterns and stylized eagles, reflected the era's optimism and grandeur.

The view of the new Merchandise Mart was still under construction in 1929.
—Chicago Tribune historical photo.

The Mart, designed by Alfred P. Shaw of Graham, Anderson, Probst & White, embraced the Art Deco aesthetic. Its sleek lines, geometric forms, and limestone-terracotta cladding exuded modernity and ambition. 

The Mart wasn't just a building; it was a self-contained city. It housed Field's wholesale showrooms, manufacturing facilities, and a plethora of amenities for tenants and visitors alike. Restaurants, banks, postal services, and even a telegraph office buzzed with activity, making the Mart a bustling hub of commerce.

An aerial view of the Merchandise Mart in 1930.
—Chicago Tribune historical photo.

The Mart's official opening in 1930 was a momentous occasion. It housed Field's wholesale showrooms, manufacturing facilities, restaurants, a bank, a post office, a telegraph office, and a plethora of amenities for tenants and visitors alike. It was a self-contained city within a city. However, the Great Depression soon cast a shadow, making it initially challenging to fill the vast space.

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The Merchandise Mart was once the largest building in the world by floor space, a title it held until the Pentagon's construction in 1943.

The Great Depression threw a wrench in the Mart's initial success. The wholesale market dwindled, forcing the Mart to diversify. Over the years, it transitioned from a purely wholesale center to a multi-purpose complex, welcoming office tenants and diverse businesses.

It housed manufacturing facilities for war materials during World War II (1939-1945). The legendary Kennedy family acquired the Merchandise Mart in 1945, ushering in a new ownership era. Under their guidance, the Mart continued to evolve, adapting to the changing times. 

The Merchandise Mart in 1949.

In the 1950s, it found new life as a center for design and architecture.

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The building's rooftop was used as a landing pad for helicopters during the early days of air travel by helicopter. In 1953, New York Airways became the first scheduled passenger helicopter air carrier in the United States. In the 1950s and 1960s, "helicopter airlines" operated in New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, and San Francisco, carrying people to and from the airport at high fares. 

Merry Christmas is written in lights on the Merchandise Mart on November 25, 1964. —Chicago Tribune historical photo.

A Top University History Professor Critiques this Article.

INTERESTING MERCHANDISE MART FACTS:

Federal, State, and Local Government Offices:

During World War II, the Merchandise Mart saw declining tenant interest in its original function. The building was converted to house various federal government offices to fill vacancies due to its vast space and central location. This lasted until the 1950s.

The Mart again welcomed several state and local government offices as tenants in 1990.

The CTA's presence in the Merchandise Mart:

The CTA moved its headquarters into the Merchandise Mart in 1942, occupying several floors. The CTA's offices in the Merchandise Mart were home to various departments, including administration, planning, and operations. The CTA relocated its headquarters to a new building at 567 West Lake Street, Chicago, as part of a larger effort to improve its efficiency and customer service.

The CTA sold its remaining office space in the Merchandise Mart in 2006.

The CTA Merchandise Mart 'L' Station.

The Merchandise Mart is still a central CTA transportation hub, with an 'L' station on the Red Line (the North-South line), the Brown Line (the Ravenswood line), and the Purple Line (the Evanston Express line) on weekdays during rush hour.

1970 Merchandise Mart CTA Station. The'L' sign says "Evanston - Wilmette."

The CTA buses that stop at the Merchandise Mart are:

Washington & State (Routes 126, 152, 156).

Michigan & Randolph (Routes 62, 128, 151, 155, 157).

Orleans & Merchandise Mart (Routes 60, 65).

The RTA buses that stop at the Merchandise Mart are:

Merchandise Mart (Routes 27, 36).

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The iconic "heads" (busts) on the roof of the Merchandise Mart building actually had two distinct chapters in the building's history. While neither group currently graces the building's rooftop today, their stories deserve to be told:

Chapter 1: The Native American Chiefs (1930-1961)

A Controversial Adornment: When the Merchandise Mart opened in 1930, its rooftop boasted 56 sculpted heads of Native American chiefs, designed by John Awre. 

Uncertain Names: Not all the chiefs had identified names. Some were assigned names based on tribal affiliations or geographical regions, while others remained anonymous. The identification process was complex and controversial, so some names may be inaccurate or disputed.

Stereotypical Representation: It's important to remember that the sculptures reflected the era's romanticized and inaccurate portrayals of Native American cultures. They did not represent individual historical figures and perpetuated harmful stereotypes.

Legend of the Piasa "Bird," an Ancient Indian pictograph

carved on a bluff in Alton, IL.

1. Apache: "ah-PAH-chee," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
2. Arapaho: "A-ra-pa-ho," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
3. Arikara: "uh-rih-kuh-rah," An Indigenous Tribe.
4. Assiniboine: "uh-sin-uh-boin," An Indigenous Tribe.
5. Blackfoot: "Black-foo-t," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
6. Caddo: "KAH-doh," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
7. Cayuga: "kay-YOO-ga," An Indigenous Tribe
8. Cheyenne: "shy-AN," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
9. Cherokee: "chEH-ruh-kEE," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
10. Chickasaw: "CHIK-ə-saw," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
11. Chinook: "Chok-NOOK," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
12. Chippewa: "chi-puh-waa," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
13. Choctaw: "Chauk taw," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
14. Comanche: "kuh-MAN-chee," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
15. Cree: Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
16. Crow: The crow tribe's name is Apsáalooke "ahp-SAH-loo-keh," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
17. Delaware: A Tribe - called initially the Lenape tribe, aka Munsee and Unami bands.
18. Flathead: A Chief - "Ahl-shah-taa-pee," named by Europeans for Chief (Flat Head).
19. Gros Ventre: "Groh Vahn-truh," ("big belly," French) Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
20. Haida: "Hay Da," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
21. Hopi: "HOH-pee," An Indigenous Tribe.
22. Huron: "Hoo-RON," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
23. Iroquois: "ear-ro-kwa" (French), Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
24. Kalapuya: "Cal-uh-poo-yuh," An Indigenous Tribe.
25. Kansas: "KAN-zəs," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
26. Kiowa: "Hy-oh-wa," An Indigenous Tribe.
27. Kootenay: "KOOT-nee," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
28. Lenape: "lun-NAH-pay," An Indigenous Tribe - aka Delaware Tribe
29. Lummi: "LUH-mee," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
30. Mandan: "mah-N'-DAN," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
31. Menominee: "Meh-NOH-meh-nee," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
32. Miami: Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
33. Micmac: "Meeg-em-ach," An Indigenous Tribe.
34. Modoc: "MO-dock," An Indigenous Tribe.
35. Mohawk: "Mo-hawk," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
36. Navajo: "na-va-ho," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
37. Nez Perce: "Nay Pers-say," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.[1]
38. Nuutka: "Nuu-chah-nulth," aka Nootka, An Indigenous Tribe. 
39. Ojibwe: "Oh-JIB-way," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
40. Osage: "OH-sage," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs. 
41. Ottawa: "Ah-dah-wa," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
42. Papago: "pap-uh-goh," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
43. Pawnee: "PAWN-ee" Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
44. Penobscot: "peh-NOB-skot," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
45. Pomo: "po-MOH," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
46. Ponca: "Pohn-kuh," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
47. Potawatomi: "Boh-da-wah-dmi," (Tribal Pronunciation), An Indigenous Tribe.
48. Pueblo: a group of tribes (i.e., The Illinois), Indigenous Tribes & Chiefs.
49. Quapaw: An Indigenous Tribe.
50. Sauk (Sac) & Meskwaki (Fox): "Mesk-wa-ki," Indigenous Tribes.
51. Salish: "Slah-LEESH," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
52. Seminole: "Sem-uh-NO-le," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
53. Seneca: "Sen-eh-kuh," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.
54. Shoshone: "shoh-SHO-nee," An Indigenous Tribe.
55. Sioux: "soo," (confederation of 7 nations; i.e., Illinois), Indigenous Tribes & Chiefs.
56. Ute: "Yoo-tey," Indigenous Tribe & Chiefs.

[1] The name "Nez Perce" ("pierced nose") is actually a misnomer: It comes from French fur traders who mistakenly applied it to the tribe based on a misunderstanding of their cultural practice of nose ornaments. The tribe prefers to be called Nimiipuu, which means "The People."

This reflected a popular Art Deco motif of the time but also carried problematic connotations of cultural appropriation and romanticized stereotypes. 

Shifting Tides: As social awareness grew in the mid-20th century, the depictions of the chiefs faced increasing criticism for their insensitivity. By 1961, the decision was made to remove them from the building.

What Happened to the "Indian Heads?" In 1961, the heads were deemed outdated and removed from the roof. 

Most were sadly destroyed, but a few found their way to different destinations:

• Two busts were found in the Campia family's home in Lake Forest and auctioned off in 2014.

• January 26, 2024, the exact location of the remaining heads is unknown.

The two auctioned busts might be in private collections, but their specific ownership is not publicly available.

So, while most of the Indian "heads" are unfortunately lost to history, a small piece of their legacy survives in private hands. 

A Top University Professor Critiques this Article

Chapter 2: The Merchandise Mart Hall of Fame

Standing tall as guardians of American commerce, eight colossal bronze busts grace the entrance of The Merchandise Mart, the world's largest wholesale buying center in Chicago. These larger-than-life figures immortalize some of the most influential figures in American retail history, their names and companies woven into the very fabric of consumer culture.

Commissioned in 1953 by Joseph Patrick Kennedy Sr., the 44th U.S. Ambassador to the United Kingdom, these four-times-life-size busts stand as a testament to the vision and dedication of the men who shaped the American retail landscape. Each bust, meticulously crafted in bronze, captures the essence of its subject, with its determined gazes fixed on the future of commerce.

From Frank Winfield Woolworth's 5 & Dime stores to Marshall Field's luxurious emporiums, these pioneers revolutionized how Americans shopped. Their innovative ideas and unwavering commitment to quality forever changed the face of retail, leaving an enduring legacy that inspires generations of entrepreneurs.

Marshall Field

1. Frank Winfield Woolworth: The founder of F.W. Woolworth Company.
2. Marshall Field: The founder of Marshall Field and Company.
3. Aaron Montgomery Ward: The founder of Montgomery Ward & Company.
4. Julius Rosenwald: Was a Sears, Roebuck, and Company President.
5. Robert Elkington Wood: Was a Sears, Roebuck, and Company President.
6. John Wanamaker: The father of modern advertising.
7. Edward Albert Filene: Preseident of William Feline & Sons. Filene's department stores.
8. George Huntington Hartford: He founded The Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea Co. (A&P)

A Top University History Professor Critiques this Article.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.

The 1833 Winnebago Murder Trial in Frontier Illinois.

Indians of the Great Lakes region subscribed to a kinship-centered system of justice.  

In the case of murder, the victim's family was obligated to retaliate in kind against the perpetrator's family unless the presentation of a suitable gift could be arranged to "cover the dead," that is, assuage the aggrieved relatives. Similar customs applied as well to intertribal killings, and quite naturally, Indians expected to continue their practice of justice in whatever conflicts would arise with white settlers. In doing so, they were frustrated by the Anglo-American legal system, in which, rather than the family, administered justice. One such confrontation in frontier Illinois occurred when Winnebago Indians attempted to assert their ethos in coping with the intrusion of whites into the upper Mississippi Valley.

The Winnebagos were a Siouan-speaking people encountered by the French in the Green Bay vicinity in the early 1600s. Over the next two centuries, members of the tribe pursued the fur trade throughout south-central Wisconsin and northwestern Illinois along the Rock River and its tributaries. In the War of 1812, several Winnebago bands fought alongside the British and their allies, Tecumseh and the Shawnee Prophet. Later, leaders of the bands were upset when they learned that their British allies had made peace with the Americans. The leaders remained disgruntled when Superintendent of Indian Affairs William Clark invited them to send a peacemaking delegation to his headquarters at St. Louis. Still influenced by British traders, they were not anxious to acknowledge fealty to the Americans. While at least one band of Winnebago under Choukeka (Spoon or Ladle) Decora signed the June 3, 1816, treaty of amity, other bands refused. 

Tensions increased as lead miners, traders, and military men penetrated Winnebago lands. The newcomers commonly assessed the Winnebago demeanor as fiercely independent, resistant to "civilization," sullen, and aloof. 

American officials expressed irritation that the disaffected Winnebago bands continued to make seasonal visits to British posts at Fort Maiden across the strait from Detroit and at Drummond Island at the northern end of Lake Huron. There they received presents and encouragement from sympathetic British commanders.

American efforts at stopping the trips could have been more effective. Colonel Joseph Lee Smith, commander of the Third Infantry Regiment at Fort Howard (Green Bay), regarded the Winnebagos as "vicious," "active," and having a "mischievous character." As proof, in January 1820, he related the following example of Winnebago's duplicity with the British. A band claiming they were bound for Mackinac had stopped making friendly statements States. On departing, however, instead, Drummond obtained British gifts; on bypassed Fort Howard. Discovered and destroyed a hill near Lake Winnebago Green Bay. He argued that only the presence of an intimidating force of Americans would hold in check the tribe's "evil and unfriendly propensities."

At about the same time, traders and government officials at Green Bay experienced hostility as they attempted to cross waterways near Winnebago villages. An Indian from a village at Lake Winnebago fired a shot that pierced the awning of a boat carrying Captain William Whistler, his three children, and four or five soldiers. The boat flew the American flag. Whistler stopped the vessel and ordered his interpreter to make inquiries. The Winnebago declared that they controlled the route and that no vessel could pass without their permission. As no one was injured and because Whistler did not wish to press matters at that point, he and his party proceeded unmolested.

In retaliation for the harassment, John Bowyer, the Indian agent at Green Bay, soon arrested The Smoker, a visiting "great chief of the Winnebagos." Replying to Bowyer's interrogation, The Smoker professed ignorance of the attack but stated that if the reports proved true, he would bring in the band's leader (who, in the meantime, had reportedly gone on a hunt up the Mississippi) "before the Ice [is] made." With that guarantee, Bowyer released The Smoker and announced that the first chief who approached the fort would be imprisoned if the matter were not resolved by spring. 

Lewis Cass, Governor of Michigan Territory from 1813 to 1831.

In a letter to Michigan Territorial Governor Lewis Cass, Bowyer described the Winnebagos as "unfriendly to the Government." He cautioned that "their character with the white and red people are bad, they are great liars and robbers" and that "no dependence can be placed in what they say."

Bowyer's reports described several confrontations. A boat belonging to a trader named Ermatinger was shot in the mast while crossing Lake Winnebago. On the Fox River, an army surgeon reported that he had been treated "insolently" by Winnebagos, who seized and searched his baggage. Nothing short of placing a strong garrison at the Fox-Wisconsin portage, Bowyer insisted, would "keep this tribe in order."

In the spring of 1820, Thomas Forsyth, an agent at Rock Island, reported to Clark that the Winnebagos had been "daring and impudent" in the vicinity of Fort Armstrong, killing government-owned cattle and repeatedly stealing corn from the Sauks. Clark showed little inclination to trust a delegation of principal men from a Rock River Winnebago band who met him in St. Louis "on a visit of inquiry and friendly professions." In passing on Forsyth's report, Clark claimed to Secretary of War John Caldwell Calhoun that "no confidence can be placed in this vicious Tribe" because "they have later been very insolent and even threatened Fort Armstrong after having killed their cattle." Clark asserted that a lesson for the Winnebago renegades was long overdue, for "they appear not to have any respect for our government, and friendly councils have never produced any favorable effect in preventing their excesses." 

John Caldwell Calhoun, U.S. Secretary of War.

To Forsyth, Clark urged vigilance, yet he admitted that he did not know what the federal government intended to do about the murderers. In April 1820, when Governor Lewis Cass was embarking on a tour of the Northwest, Calhoun reminded him that "certain individuals of the Winnebagoes, Chippewas, and Menomonee have evinced a hostile spirit, which must be repressed." In consultation with each tribe, wrote Calhoun, Cass should "represent to them the desire of the Government to cultivate friendly dispositions towards them, but which cannot be continued unless they effectually restrain the hostile conduct of their people."

In July, the scholarly Jedidiah Morse spent fifteen days in the vicinity of Green Bay on an expedition authorized by the War Department. In his final report, Morse stated that he found it difficult to obtain reliable information on the Winnebagos, partly because of the language barrier and partly because "no other tribe seems to possess so much jealousy of the whites, and such reluctance to have intercourse with them." Morse also commented on Winnebago's sense of territoriality. He confirmed that "they will suffer no encroachment upon their soil; nor any persons to pass through it, without giving a satisfactory explanation of their motives and intentions." Whites who failed to take that customary and precautionary step, said Morse, endangered their lives.

At the time, Morse's antipathy towards whites bated to a "state of consideration." Two young warriors' relatives had been accused of the murder and scalping of two soldiers just outside the gates of Fort Armstrong. Both Indian and white behavior during the episode is well documented in letters and reports, and a close analysis of those records reveals important cultural divergence in the matters of retributive justice and punishment. 

Francis Paul Prucha observes in his study of United States Indian policy that normal federal procedure in the early 1820s was to demand that accused Indians be surrendered by tribal leaders. If the chiefs resisted, various threats, military expeditions, seizure of hostages, or rewards to cooperative Indians generally achieved the purpose.

To American authorities, the murder and scalping of John Blottenburgh and Clement Attley Riggs, two unarmed soldiers on a woodcutting detail, appeared a wantonly savage act. Leaders of the suspected Winnebago bands were summoned and ordered to surrender the culprits. Calhoun directed Cass and Indian Agent Richard Graham to clarify to Winnebago leaders that such atrocities would not be regarded with impunity. Unless the chiefs demonstrated their loyalty by promptly surrendering the "wicked authors" of the crime, the government would consider the chiefs as participants in guilt, and the entire Winnebago nation would be "made to feel the just vengeance and retribution of the Government." Calhoun asserted that it was the responsibility of the chiefs to avert "disastrous consequences and annihilation." Indian gestures of friendship, while expected, were insufficient; the murderers had to be handed over to federal authorities.

Calhoun, however, urged restraint. Rather than overreact to frontier reports of a contemplated general Winnebago attack on Fort Armstrong, he described the killings as the work of a few individuals acting "without the knowledge or authority of the Chiefs." The latter, he correctly predicted, would "disavow it, or any hostility on the part of their nation towards the United States, but take the most prompt and active measures to cause the perpetrators to be arrested and delivered for punishment." 

Lieutenant Colonel Henry Leavenworth

Although his frontier commanders ─ impatient with slow-moving courts and aware of the difficulties of assembling creditable witnesses ─ often preferred summary execution by firing squad, Calhoun ordered that the accused Winnebagos be transferred to civil authorities. Lieutenant Colonel Henry Leavenworth, who had been summoned from Fort Snelling for the investigation, grumbled: "It would have been better to have executed them and then have tried them ─ If they are tried, they must be executed, or we shall feel the weight of the Winnebago Tomahawk." 

To ensure compliance, the Army seized four Winnebagos as hostages. They were released when the chiefs, as promised, brought three men to Prairie du Chien, "preceded by a white flag, and attended by a large concourse of the tribe." The next day Prairie du Chien justices of the peace interrogated the three Indians while the chiefs looked on. 

All three of the prisoners belonged to Winnebago bands on the Rock River. In the spring of 1820, they had set out for Fort Armstrong, ostensibly as traders. Sometimes en route, the eldest, Chewachera [or Chewacuhra], implored the other two's assistance in avenging the death of his sister and her husband, who the Indians claimed was attacked and left to drown by American soldiers. One of the warriors was as young as fifteen, and the other was Chewachera's nephew and therefore bound by custom to obey his commands. Jerago, the youngest of the trio, said that he resisted because he knew the act's consequences and their agent would be angry. He cried and begged the others to "forget our Relations that the Americans had killed." After unsuccessfully attempting to wrest the guns from his companions, he fired shots to alert his mother and thwart the plan. Jerago would not disavow his loyalty to his fellow tribesmen in yielding to interrogation. "They went off and killed two soldiers," he said. "I did not wish to be drawn into this business, but since I have had Irons put upon my hands, which hurts me, I will remain with them."

According to stories told separately by each prisoner, there had been no elaborate scheme for ambushing officers at the fort; the act was premeditated only one day. Wading from their camp on the east bank of the river to the island on which the fort stood, the three determined to lie in wait for someone to come out. If no one appeared after a considerable time, they resolved to forego revenge and simply enter the fort, shake hands, and have a friendly smoke ─ the original preference of the two younger men. But when Blottenburgh and Riggs appeared, the warriors shot them, and Chewachera bashed their heads with the back of an axe and scalped them. The three headed back up Rock River without stopping to stretch the scalps on a hoop. En route to their village, they were taunted by their tribesmen for their rash act. Chewachera and his nephew Whorahjinka were "so much cursed" at their lodge that they unceremoniously threw away the Soldiers' scalps.

Winnebago society placed restrictions on individuals who wished to seek retribution. Permission had to be secured from the chiefs. Warriors who failed to receive that permission, or refused to pursue it, subjected themselves to the only restrictive measures that the chief and the community could adopt ─ temporary loss of prestige, the sort of treatment suffered by the three Winnebago.

Chewachera openly admitted his guilt. He absolved the other two of murderous intent and corroborated their versions of the affair. He did, however, amplify his reasons for revenge:

I knew that my sister had been ill-used below I did not think any more of that. I never had any ill intentions until I heard that my sister had been abused ─ Women ought to be respected. My Father did not encourage any person to use women ill. But my sister had been ill-treated. . . and when I came near the place where it was done, I lost my senses and did a bad act I have done it I delivered up my body to the Chiefs what more can I say.

Whorahjinka added that when they were leaving their lodges, the women had cried on behalf of the slain relatives, and the recollection of that scene helped to trigger the killing of the soldiers. Twice he tried to prevent the contemplated act but finally acquiesced because "my body belonged to my Uncle. I was obliged to do as he did or told me to do."

In an effort to ascertain the facts and project an impartial posture, White authorities attested to the veracity of the interpreters used in the proceedings. One of them, an Indian of an unspecified tribe known as Fast Walker, satisfied the whites before he was sworn in that he knew the purpose and obligations attached to an oath, stating that the Great Spirit would not forgive him ─ even beyond the grave ─ should he lie under oath. When asked the customary way in which to bind an Indian's word, Fast Walker replied, "By laying the hand on a Medicine Sack, a ball or an arrow and saying, 'May my Medicine prove bad, or may the ball or the arrow pierce my heart if I tell a lie.' " Rather than request a medicine bag for his own swearing-in, he told the whites: "The Americans know more than the Indians. I see you have a book there you say is the word of God (or the heart of God). I believe it and will attest upon it as you do."

Leavenworth conducted the interrogation before an assemblage of Rock River Winnebago. Referring to Chewachera's accusations, Leavenworth insisted that the matter had been looked into by Nicholas Boilvin, the United States Indian agent at Prairie du Chien. Boilvin, after talking to a man who had buried the Winnebago couple, reported that although one of the bodies bore marks that might have been attributed to an accident, neither body had broken bones, nor was there evidence that the woman had been assaulted. He said they drowned after falling through the ice. Leavenworth dismissed the charges against the Americans as a lie sung in the Indians' ears by "some bad bird." He claimed that two years had elapsed since the disputed incident and that it was as unreasonable for Winnebago to kill his young men at Rock Island in retaliation for those drowning victims as it would be for him now to kill Winnebago at Prairie La Crosse or Black River in response to the murders of the soldiers.

As on previous occasions, Leavenworth promised that if tribal leaders reported to him any cases of Americans killing Winnebago, he would punish the perpetrators. In a rhetorical flourish that his listeners could not have taken seriously, the Colonel claimed that if his own Father or brother killed an Indian, he would spare no effort to have him hanged, and "such are the sentiments of every white man."

In order to demonstrate "our love of justice [and] that we do not wish to harm the innocent," the authorities released Jerago after concluding that he had done everything possible to prevent the crime. That magnanimous gesture, Leavenworth warned, should not be misconstrued; justice also required that the guilty be punished. Glossing over such Winnebago concepts of justice as payment to relatives of victims, Leavenworth asserted that the "unfortunate young men" had "committed a crime which by your laws subject them to the punishment of death." "Our laws," he concluded, "are the same."

Commending the Winnebago for their good faith in surrendering the murderers and lifting the cloud of distrust that hung over their nation, Leavenworth reminded them that for several years the Rock River bands had had had a bad reputation among whites. He hoped that their future conduct would disprove that negative appraisal. Finally, he warned against asking for the release of the two remaining prisoners, who, in his opinion, deserved the death penalty. In fact, he saw no reason why the Winnebago did not execute those of their nation who killed whites.

Apparently, the Winnebago made threats when they learned that only Jerago would be returned. The delegation had the temerity to tell Leavenworth that he should release the others for the sake of his "Forts and children." Leavenworth scolded them:

What do you mean by that? Is it war? If war serves your intention, you should have kept the prisoners and not given them up. Neither my Forts nor my soldiers are afraid of war ─ they are always ready and would be pleased with it if the Winnebagos wish it. You behaved like men in giving up the prisoners, but in asking me to release them again, you act like old women asking for bread.

The Colonel claimed to have made no promises regarding Chewachera and Whorahjinka. He judged that they were guilty and that Jerago was innocent. Leavenworth instructed the delegation to close any pending business with their agent and return to their villages. He expected assurances that the chiefs would restrain their men.

After meeting in the council, Shungapaw spoke for the Indians. He wished to know when Leavenworth was leaving to go upriver so that the band could accompany him. The suspicious Colonel refused to reveal his plans beyond saying that he intended to hold the prisoners until receiving orders from the President. Upon noticing that Shungapaw no longer wore an American medal (a gift of friendship), Leavenworth accused the Winnebago of mischievous intent. "When you are desirous of any favor, you are very good Americans and appear to be proud of wearing their medals," he said, "but when your wishes are disappointed, you throw them aside." Indeed, he warned them that a watchful eye would be kept upon them because he expected to hear of more murders. Next time, the Americans would not await a surrender; annihilation would be the result for those who began warfare. Shungapaw denied any evil intention and explained that he had given his medal to the brother of one of the prisoners in order to assuage his grief. He maintained that neither the chiefs nor the warriors present had mentioned war and that all were satisfied that their "Great Father, the President," would decide the prisoners' fate.

Reporting to Calhoun after a tour through Winnebago country, Governor Cass expressed satisfaction with Leavenworth's "wise and decisive" handling of matters. The Indians had learned a lesson, said Cass, and the United States should regret nothing except the "untimely fate of the soldiers." Commenting on the likelihood of future complaints, Cass was confident, after talking with men he termed principal Winnebago chiefs, that only the "intemperate passions of Individuals" would again produce such conduct. The chiefs, he believed, would disavow violent acts and would surrender offenders as quickly "as the relaxed state of their Government" would permit.

Leavenworth took the prisoners from Rock Island to Edwardsville in the autumn of 1820. From there, they were transferred to the jail at Belleville. The trial finally took place on May 12, 1821, after Chewachera and Whorahjinka had been held for nearly a year. Jacob Hough, a soldier from Fort Armstrong, testified that he and Andrew Peeling found the bodies of Blottenburgh and Riggs less than a mile from the fort. The two victims had been shot and scalped, and Blottenburgh was hacked in the left side with an axe. Jerago, having been called to testify, told the same story he had related in the earlier interrogation. The jury took only half an hour to reach a verdict of guilty. The following day Chewachera and Whorahjinka were sentenced to death by hanging; the execution was set for mid-July.

The physical condition of the two prisoners was a matter of grave concern both in the Illinois press and among their fellow Winnebago. According to one account, the two had been "hearty, robust men" in the fall of 1820 but were "scarcely able to stand or move by the trial." Upon inquiry by Leavenworth and others, the Indians made specific complaints about their treatment in jail during the winter. According to their statements, they had neither fire nor bedding and were made to sleep on a hard floor. Their daily rations consisted of "cornbread of the size of a small biscuit and half that quantity of meat." On one occasion, they received no food or water for three days and nights. The Illinois Intelligence called for an investigation in the belief that the allegations of inhumanity were exaggerated. One editorialist asked rhetorically: 

Do we call ourselves a Christian nation: Do we boast of our humanity ─ our justice? Were these men in the custody of American people and American laws? If this is true, in what do our prisons differ from those of the Spanish Inquisition or ourselves from nations we are pleased to call barbarous and uncivilized?

William A. Beaird, sheriff of St. Clair County and keeper of the Belleville jail, was accused of mistreating the Winnebago prisoners. He responded to the charges by writing a letter to the newspaper "to teach editors not to injure the characters of innocent persons on the false statements of murdering Indians." In reply to the sheriff, the editor reminded readers that the Indians' statements were not false merely because of their source and that at least one of the two men might still be vindicated of the murder charge. Sheriff Beaird maintained that the prisoners were kept in a thick-walled dungeon in which a fire would have been impossible but through which no cold drafts could penetrate. There was no suggestion, he said, that the Indians be moved near a fireplace. He labeled the charge regarding the bedding "a most absolute falsity" because Indian Agent Thomas Forsyth, wintering in St. Louis, had provided two blankets and two buffalo robes. Although Beaird said the prisoners had not fared well over the winter, he claimed they had more food than they could eat. Noticing that during the incarceration, one "dangerously. . . broke out in large sores, and bleeding at the nose, toothache, and scurvy," Beaird frequently had ordered that soup be prepared as "an extra dainty." The unaccustomed salt provision and their "close confinement in a very tight prison" caused what he called their "meager appearance."

Following the sentencing, Naw Kaw Carmani, the last Winnebago claiming a tribal-wide chieftainship, spoke to the assemblage. Although he would live until after 1830, Naw Kaw was already in his late eighties. In an opening litany of stock phrases, he claimed to be an American, pleading by the Great Spirit that he stood sincerely for peace, and stated that he had less power in his nation than the judge who had just pronounced the sentence. Then bitterness came through in his closing remarks:

When I came down here, I had hoped to find that Che-wa-cha-rah and Who-rah-jin-kah had been better treated, but my heart is oppressed at the cruelty that they have received. I did hope that pity would have been found for them. . . . But let peace be between us. I look up to our Great Father as I do to the Great Spirit for protection.

My Father ─ I came here to see justice, but find none ─ Cah-rah-mah-ree is honest, speaks what he thinks, and shakes you by the hand for the last time.

A report of the trial and verdict was sent to Washington. President James Monroe approved of the sentences meted out to the "misguided" Winnebago, but he had reservations regarding the pre-trial examinations of the accused. As a result, Secretary of War Calhoun was instructed to send word of a temporary reprieve for Whorahjinka. That decision showed at least some sensitivity to Indian perceptions of the circumstances. Whorahjinka's "extreme youth" certainly figured into the move, but so too did an appreciation that he acted as the nephew of Chewachera, "to whom he appeared to consider his body to belong and that he was of course bound to do whatever he told him to do." Whorahjinka's execution date was delayed to August 14, and Calhoun queried William Clark about the impact on the Winnebago of a full presidential pardon. In late June, the enfeebled Chewachera died in prison.

Presidential reprieve proved a false hope, for Leavenworth, who served as a prosecutor in the trial, was convinced that Whorahjinka's guilt was indisputable. While admitting that the Indians had been mistreated in captivity, Leavenworth felt positive that the tribes would "harbor motives of revenge" if Whorahjinka were released. On the expiration of the reprieve, Whorahjinka was hanged at Kaskaskia.

Agent Forsyth confirmed the predicted hostile mood of the Winnebago when he requested that his quarters be located adjacent to Fort Armstrong, as the Winnebago were "by no means well intended, on account (as they say) of the treatment their two men experienced previous to their trial." Fearful of Winnebago's revenge, American policymakers followed the old Anglo-Saxon custom (closely paralleling Indian practice) of making a wergild, or payment, in order to appease the victims' relatives and defuse any desire for retaliation. Because the bands were living near Thomas Forsyth's agency (although not within his jurisdiction), the War Department instructed him to make moderate compensation to the relatives of the two dead Indians "to relieve [them] from the distress which . . . they have suffered."

The Fort Armstrong murders and the resulting trial of the Winnebago prisoners illustrate the extent to which Indians of Illinois complied outwardly with the white man's system of justice. Yet their submission to Anglo-American legal concepts was structured whenever possible with an eye to conformity with their own traditionalism. 

Through the 1820s, continuing American penetration of the Winnebago domain provoked a variety of sporadic responses by Winnebago individuals and bands. Although initially, no tribal-wide policy underlay such responses, Americans insisted that a well-coordinated tribal policy existed. It thus became increasingly difficult for the Indians to practice traditional customs involving justice and land tenure, especially when confronted by the invasions of lead miners. 

The 1825 council at Prairie du Chien at which William Clark and Lewis Cass presented the treaty establishing intertribal boundaries for eleven Michigan Territory tribes. Artist James Otto Lewis, who attended the council, painted this scene.

In 1825 the United States imposed the first regional intertribal boundary treaty. In 1827, the so-called "Winnebago War" was declared by whites in reaction to a raid similar to the Fort Armstrong affair. The treaty ending that conflict gave the government the opportunity to impose the first actual cession of Winnebago lands in Illinois and Wisconsin.

Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 1980.

Edited by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.