Friday, July 6, 2018

The Starved Rock Massacre of 1769 - Fact or Fiction.


In historical writing and analysis, PRESENTISM introduces present-day ideas and perspectives into depictions or interpretations of the past. Presentism is a form of cultural bias that creates a distorted understanding of the subject matter. Reading modern notions of morality into the past is committing the error of presentism. Historical accounts are written by people and can be slanted, so I try my hardest to present fact-based and well-researched articles.

Facts don't require one's approval or acceptance.

I present [PG-13] articles without regard to race, color, political party, or religious beliefs, including Atheism, national origin, citizenship status, gender, LGBTQ+ status, disability, military status, or educational level. What I present are facts — NOT Alternative Facts — about the subject. You won't find articles or readers' comments that spread rumors, lies, hateful statements, and people instigating arguments or fights.

FOR HISTORICAL CLARITY
When I write about the INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, I follow this historical terminology:
  • The use of old commonly used terms, disrespectful today, i.e., REDMAN or REDMEN, SAVAGES, and HALF-BREED are explained in this article.
Writing about AFRICAN-AMERICAN history, I follow these race terms:
  • "NEGRO" was the term used until the mid-1960s.
  • "BLACK" started being used in the mid-1960s.
  • "AFRICAN-AMERICAN" [Afro-American] began usage in the late 1980s.

— PLEASE PRACTICE HISTORICISM 
THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PAST IN ITS OWN CONTEXT.
 


The butte (an isolated hill with steep sides and a flat top) is known today as Starved Rock and has a long history. Formed by rushing floodwaters during the end of the last ice age over ten thousand years agoThe site was a French Fort Saint Louis du Rocher, the headquarters for French trade, diplomacy, and regional influence between 1683 and 1691. The Illinois tribe (pronounced plural - Illinois') called it "Ahseni" - the French called it "du Rocher," which means "The Rock." When modern Illinois was under British rule, the Rock languished insignificantly and was relegated to an obscure site on old maps.

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The Illinois, aka Illiniwek and Illini [the Illinois is pronounced as plural: Illinois'], was a Confederacy of Indian tribes consisting of the Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Peoria, Tamarais (aka Tamaroa, Tamarois), Moingwena, Mitchagamie (aka Michigamea), Chepoussa, Chinkoa, Coiracoentanon, Espeminkia, Maroa, and Tapouara tribes that were part of the Algonquin Indian family. The Illinois called themselves "Ireniouaki" (the French called them Ilinwe).
Early accounts of a massacre of the Illinois Indians at Starved Rock in LaSalle County have long been accepted as fact by Prairie State historians. But forensic evidence for the legend is appallingly thin.
During the American period, Daniel Hitt, La Salle County's first land surveyor, purchased the land that is today occupied by Starved Rock State Park from the United States Government as compensation for his tenure in the U.S. Army. He sold the land in 1890 to Chicago entrepreneur Ferdinand Walther, who developed it for vacationers. He built a hotel, a dance pavilion, and a swimming area. In 1911, the State of Illinois purchased the site, making it its first recreational park. In the 1930s, the Civilian Conservation Corps placed three camps at Starved Rock State Park and began building the Lodge and trail systems.

Starved Rock gets its name from an incident that allegedly occurred in 1769. According to legend, the site was where the remnants of the vanquished Illinois Indians sought refuge from their enemies after an Illinois Indian bravely murdered the Ottawa war chief, Pontiac, on April 20, 1769. The summit was reportedly where the Illinois Indian tribe was surrounded and then slaughtered by Potawatomi and Ottawa Indians. Alleged eye-witnesses to the massacre claimed that the Illinois were killed at the base of the Rock. Later versions, however, state that the Illinois victims were starved to death on the summit. Although most accounts agree that the massacre was revenge for Pontiac's murder, some maintain that the incident began over disputed hunting grounds. After reading the many books, pamphlets, and articles about the event, many discrepancies become blatantly apparent.

What really happened? Gurdon Hubbard, an early city father of Chicago, who ran operations for the American Fur Company in Illinois during the 1820s, said: “there was no traditional event more certain, and more fully believed by the Indians than this [the Starved Rock Massacre].” In contrast, Illinois historians Clarence Alvord and Oarence Carter wrote, “All the documents bearing upon the death of Pontiac that could be found are here printed, and it will be seen that there is no evidence of any such catastrophe.”  John Reynolds, Governor of Illinois during the Black Hawk War, wrote, “The tradition of calling this rock the Starved Rock is a pretty tale, which may or may not be true.” Considering these diverse views, an investigation to determine what really happened is necessary.

The evidence shows us that the Starved Rock Legend was known by the 1820s. If written documentation before this time exists, it has been elusive. This investigation has, however, traced the story to two Indians who claimed to have actually witnessed the extermination of the Illinois Indians. These witnesses, Meachelle and Shick-Shack, were Potawatomi and Ottawa Indian chiefs, respectively. The two chiefs told their accounts to two early and influential Illinoisans, Judge John Dean Caton and Perry Armstrong.

On December 13, 1870, Caton addressed the Chicago Historical Society. The topic of his presentation was the Starved Rock Massacre, an incident that he believed was an actual historical event. Caton said that he learned of the massacre in 1833 when he became a citizen of Chicago. An important year to Indians in Illinois was 1833. It was the year of the last major Potawatomi land cession to the United States Government. Concluding the treaty, the Indians agreed to sell nearly all of their remaining land to the United States and move west of the Mississippi River.

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The word "Mississippi" comes from the Ojibwe Indian Tribe (Algonquian language family) word "Messipi" or "misi-ziibi," which means "Great River" or "Gathering of Waters." French explorers, hearing the Ojibwe word for the river, recorded it in their own language with a similar pronunciation. The Potawatomi (Algonquian language family) pronounced "Mississippi" as the French said it, "Sinnissippi," which was given the meaning "Rocky Waters."

Assembled at Chicago for the council were an estimated six thousand Potawatomi Indians and Caton, who said he “formed the acquaintance of many of their chiefs.” The acquaintance eventually became a “cordial relationship.” Caton related that Meachelle, “the oldest Pottawatomi chief he met, imparted his earliest recollection” of the Potawatomi occupancy of the country. The chiefs’ memory, Caton said, “Extended back to that great event in Indian history, the siege of Starved Rock and the final extinction of the Illinois tribe of Indians, which left his people sole possessors of the land.” According to Caton, Meachelle was” present at the siege and the final catastrophe, and although a boy at the time, the terrible event made such an impression on his young mind that it ever remained fresh and vivid.” The story captivated Caton.

Meachelle told Caton that Pontiac's former allies chased Illinois to Starved Rock and then laid siege to the site. According to Caton, Meachelle reported that, in time, hunger and thirst weakened the besieged Illinois. During an evening thunderstorm, the Illinois tried to escape by climbing down the side of the Rock. At the base, they were attacked by their enemies. A tremendous battle ensued, and the Illinois were slaughtered-the bodies of the victims lay “stretched upon the sloping ground south and west of the impregnable rock.” Somehow, in the melee, eleven Illinois braves penetrated enemy lines, stole canoes, and paddled down the Illinois River rapids at night. They raced to St. Louis, where they were protected by the fort's commandant. Safe from their enemies and having regained their strength, the eleven survivors crossed the Mississippi to make friends with other tribes in Southern Illinois. There, they vanished into obscurity and then extinction. The Illinois Indians, according to Caton and Meachelle, ceased to exist.

The other alleged eyewitness to the incident was Shick-Shack, an aged Ottawa Indian chief. Shick-Shack told his account to Perry Armstrong, an attorney, state representative, and historian. Armstrong relayed Shick-Shack's account at a pageant held at Starved Rock in 1873, celebrating the two-hundred-year anniversary of the Jolliet/Marquette expedition.

Armstrong expressed Shick-Shack's account as follows: “Pontiac was the great head of the Indians of this region, and, like Tecumseh, had formed an alliance of all the Indian tribes to regain their old burial ground from the whites.” Armstrong introduced the “Illini” Indians, who, he claimed, occupied all the lands to the Wabash River. Indians east of the Wabash, Shick-Shack related, would trespass on Illinois land when the game was scarce. “At first, their depredations were few” and insignificant. But in time, they became raids and “it became a death penalty for any of the invaders to be caught on this side of the [Illinois] line.” Anyone caught was killed and scalped, which “caused these tribes to become deadly enemies.” These skirmishes culminated in a terrible war between the Illinois and the combined Miami, Potawatomi, and Kickapoo tribes. Battles were allegedly fought on the Wabash River at Kankakee, Blue Island, and Morris. At Morris, the allied Indian leader, Moquet, was killed, and Shick-Shack became the new war captain.

The surviving Illinois then fled to perceived safety on the summit of the Rock. Once there, they were struck by smallpox. Next, thirst and starvation took their toll on the besieged. In desperate straits, the Illinois could not hold on for long. Armstrong reported that one night, “much of the warriors as were alive and able for the perilous enterprise tried to escape by climbing down the rock.” Although he didn't specifically say what happened next, it appears that most of the Illinois warriors were killed. The Allies then took vengeance upon the survivors. Those, Armstrong said, “were butchered and scalped. The younger squaws and the papooses were divided among the allies.” Seven Illinois braves reportedly escaped the slaughter. They fled to Peoria and then to East St. Louis, where they were protected by the “whites.” Thus, said Armstrong, “exterminated an entire tribe of Indians, the possessors of this whole territory, and a powerful and numerous tribe.” He reaffirmed that the “legend” was told to him by Shick-Shack, “a chief who was an actor in all the scenes” described. According to Armstrong, the massacre was "a legend which I believe to be history itself.

Another early source of the massacre is Henry Schoolcraft. In 1821, he and Lewis Cass ascended the Illinois River to negotiate land cessions with representatives of the Potawatomi tribe at Fort Dearborn. Although his journal briefly references one band of Indians who were killed, his observations on the Rock's summit are important. Schoolcraft wrote that this “natural battlement [Starved Rock] has been further fortified by the Indians” by a regular “entrenchment, corresponding to the edge of the precipice, and within other excavations, which, from the thick growth of brush and trees, could not be satisfactorily examined. The labor of many hands was manifest, and a degree of an industry which the Indians have not usually bestowed upon works of defense.” He also found cultural materials, including “broken mussel shells, fragments of antique pottery, and stones which have been subjected to the action of heat resembling certain lavas.

These three accounts, that of Meachelle, Shick-Shack, and Schoolcraft, provide the basis for later versions of the massacre. Close examination of subsequent accounts reveals many details that could have only come from these sources. Meachelle, via Caton, and Shick-Shack, via Armstrong, are still cited in publications as primary sources of the event.

The most popular account of the massacre at the Rock is in the French and Indians of the Illinois River, a book published in 1874 and written by Bureau County Historian Nehemiah Matson. Matson wrote that after the murder of Pontiac, the Illinois Indians were surrounded by an Indian army at La Vantum ("the washed"), a fortified Illinois village across the river from Starved Rock. Battles allegedly raged at the site until the Illinois defenses were breached. Twelve hundred Illinois survivors abandoned their town during the night, crossed the Illinois River, and took refuge on Starved Rock. There, according to Matson, the Illinois were literally starved to death on the summit. Only one Illinois brave survived the incident.

Other popular, if not noteworthy, secondary sources are cited as proof of the massacre. Some of these sources, including fur traders, settlers, and visitors to the Rock, claimed to have seen the bones of defeated Illinois. The first History of La Salle County, a work published in 1877 by Elmer Baldwin, contains references to human bones at the Rock. He wrote that the “bones of the victims lay scattered about the cliff in profusion, after the settlement by whites, and are still found mingled plentifully with the soil.” Even the Journal of the Illinois Historical Society references human bones at Starved Rock. An article written in 1912 by Dr. J.H. Goodell states that Simon Crosiar, "a very early settler of Utica, Illinois, who visited the Rock in 1825, told the writer that the ground was literally covered with human bones.” Nehemiah Matson wrote that a trader named Bulbona and a Jesuit priest, Father Jacques Buche, saw human bones scattered about the vicinity of Starved Rock. Matson himself claimed that he found human teeth and small fragments of bone on his first visit to the site.

The previous sources are among the most referenced, noteworthy, and weighty sources of the Starved Rock Massacre. They include accounts by alleged eyewitnesses, the observations of Henry Schoolcraft, and reports from people who visited the site before the influx of American settlers. While these sources are well-respected, they appear to be in conflict with substantiated facts about the Illinois Indians of 1769. To validate these claims and observations, we will briefly examine the alleged victims — the Illinois Indians of 1769.

When the first contact with the French was in 1666, the Illinois Indians maintained a cyclical, seasonal existence. They assembled every spring at agricultural villages where crops were planted. After the crops were established, they left the village and participated in the summer buffalo hunt. After the hunt, they returned to the village and harvested corn. The dried corn was put into hidden caches for safekeeping. By late September or early October, the Illinois dispersed to small winter camps, hunting for food and procuring hides for trade. They reassembled at their agricultural villages in late March or early April, and the cycle began anew.

Illinois Indians underwent an enormous societal change after establishing relations with Europeans. Although the Illinois of 1769 kept the same cyclical model, many aspects of their lives changed. At the time of European contact, the Illinois Indian tribe was an alliance of about twelve different sub-tribes. The largest and better known included the Peoria, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Tamaroa, Michigamea, and Moingwena. Lesser-known sub-tribes included the Coiracoentanon, Chinko, Chepoussa, Espeminkia, Tapouaro, and Amonokoa. By 1769, only the Cahokia, Michigamea, Peoria, and Kaskaskia remained — the others either ceased to exist or were absorbed into the other sub-tribes. From a population of about 10,000 at first contact (1666), the Illinois Indians dwindled to fewer than 2,100 people by 1769. The reasons for population decline include disease, warfare, monogamy, alcoholism, and losing their land and culture.

In 1769, the Illinois lived in settlements along the Mississippi River in Southern Illinois and Eastern Missouri. Illinois camps during the period include Cahokia, the Kaskaskia River, near Fort de Chartres, and Saint Louis, Missouri (founded in 1764). Although some members of the Peoria sub-tribe established a winter camp on the extreme Lower Illinois River, the remaining Illinois Indians no longer lived on that stream. Previously, all Illinois sub­tribes abandoned the Starved Rock area in 1691. In 1712, however, one band of Peoria returned to the Rock and established a camp on Plum Island until 1722. Between 1722 and about 1730, the Peoria lived in settlements along the Mississippi with other Illinois tribesmen. After the Meskwaki (Fox) Indians were defeated by the French and Indians in 1730, one Peoria band reestablished camp near the Rock and lived at the site until about 1751. From that point forward, they lived at Lake Peoria, and by 1763, they were living along the Mississippi in Southern Illinois. In 1769, the closest semi-permanent village of Illinois Indians to Starved Rock was two hundred twenty-five miles away, at modern Cahokia, Illinois.

Leadership within the Illinois tribe of 1769 also changed. They abandoned much of their consensual form of government, replacing it with a new position, the “Medal Chief.” The British bestowed the title of the medal chief on certain Illinois men. This allowed the British to negotiate with the tribe through one individual rather than a council. The Illinois of the period suffered from a deep dependence on European goods and relied on Europeans for protection. For example, in 1769, alarm spread through the Illinois camps that Pontiac was en route to Illinois with one hundred fifty canoes of warriors. The Illinois immediately sought British help at Fort de Chartres. On April 20th, the British learned that Pontiac had been murdered at Cahokia by an Illinois Indian. Fearing retribution from Pontiac's warriors, panicked Illinois again sought protection from the British. Recognizing that they could no longer adequately defend themselves, the Illinois of 1769 were at the mercy of the British for protection.

In their pre-contact state, the Illinois Indians were independent and free people. After a century of contact with Europeans, their culture dramatically changed. Although they still practiced their cyclical farming and hunting culture, not much else remained of it. Raymond Hauser wrote about the Illinois of the period, “When the French left the Illinois country in 1765, the Illinois people were left in a deteriorated, vulnerable condition.

The decline of the Illinois people and their numbers are historically recorded. From it, we can determine the Illinois population in 1769 and then deduce the number of victims of the alleged massacre. To do this, we will look at the last French census taken of Illinois Indians — a task completed in 1758 under Louis Billouart Kerlerec, the governor of the French colony of Louisiana. The results of the census are as follows:

• 60 Cahokia warriors for a total population of 300
• 50 Michigamea warriors for a total population of 250 
• 100 Kaskaskia warriors for a total population of 500 
• 250 Peoria warriors for a total population of 1,250

The above census indicates that about 2,300 Illinois Indians were alive in 1758. After factoring the known average rate of decline for the eighty-six previous years (76%) into the next eleven years (1758 to 1769), the entire Illinois Indian population would have been about 2,072. Caton's account, therefore, would conclude that 2,061 Illinois men, women, and children were killed (2,072, minus 11 who escaped). It is impossible to determine the number of victims in Armstrong's account because of the alleged four “sanguinary” battles fought before the Illinois fled to the Rock. Matson's account states that 1,200 were killed.

Next, we must determine whether the entire population of Illinois Indians in 1769 could fit on Starved Rock's 30,000-square feet summit. If the Rock's surface is 30,000 square feet, and if we assume that it uses nine square feet of space (3'x 3') per person, then is it possible to stand 3,333 people on top of the Rock. However, for this conclusion to be valid, no trees or other obstacles can interfere with placing people in an even and exact space. It also means that 3,333 people could fit in but would be standing nearly shoulder-to-shoulder. This equation also changes if the Indians are lying down or attempting to sleep. While Caton's 2,072 people, the account with the largest number of victims, could literally fit on the Rock, it is unlikely that they would have been able to survive for long.

In all fairness, it should be pointed out that there are problems with the crime scene. In the years since 1769, the summit of Starved Rock, a mere two-thirds of an acre, has experienced looting and digging in the nineteenth century, construction in the twentieth century, and relentless, ongoing erosion. All of this, coupled with 10,000 years of human activity that preceded 1796, has obscured information. Still, enough of the site remains intact to determine if the slaughter of hundreds, if not thousands, of people occurred.

What evidence should investigators find if a siege and massacre happened at the Rock? There should be evidence of defenses ­- some sort of wall, palisade, or earthwork that would have protected the besieged Indians from hostile enemy fire. There should be evidence of gun parts consistent with firearms the Illinois Indians would have used in 1769. Gunflints should be found, including those of Native American manufacturers. Other war materials, including hatchets, knives, and axes, might be uncovered. Many human remains, bones, and teeth should also bear evidence of physical trauma, including broken skulls and assorted broken bones. At a bare minimum, there should be evidence of Illinois Indian occupation at the site consistent with 1769. Finally, the uncovered evidence should be in close proximity — gun parts, gunflints, and evidence of defenses should be found near human remains.

There have been numerous archaeological excavations on Starved Rock, including the following:

1947-Kenneth G. Orr of the University of Chicago and John C. McGregor of the Illinois State Museum. Two “intensive” days were spent on the summit of the Rock.

1948-Orr and McGregor, 22 June to 31August.

1949-Orr and McGregor conducted a project that included obtaining more information about the soil layers on the Rock and finding additional evidence of La Salle's fort.

1949-Richard Hagen of the Illinois Department of Public Works and Buildings. His study on the summit focused specifically on locating features associated with Fort St. Louis for a possible reconstruction to promote tourism.

1950-Richard Hagen continued his work from the previous year.

1974-Robert Hall from the University of Illinois at Chicago had numerous objectives for his excavation

1981-Ed Jelks from Illinois State University excavated a portion of the summit's perimeter where a wooden walkway was planned to be built. There have been archaeological investigations on the “ground south and west of the impregnable rock,” where Meachelle claimed the bodies of the Illinois victims lay after the slaughter. These excavations include the following:

1948 and 1949 at the Hotel Plaza-These were conducted by graduate students from the joint University of Chicago and Illinois State Museum project.

1948 and 1949 East and West French Canyon sites. Archaeological surveys have been conducted around Starved Rock since 1985. Some of these include the following:

1985-Illinois State Museum examined a flood-plain exposure on the south shore of the Illinois River across from the west end of Plum Island.

1988 and 1989-Dickson Mounds Museum conducted a survey along the river a short distance west of Starved Rock.

1990-Northern Illinois University conducted a survey of the Hotel Plaza.

1991-Ken Tankersly and Ham-Sullivan of the Illinois State Museum Society resurveyed floodplain exposures along the Illinois River west of the Rock and conducted a systematic auger­ core survey near the adjacent floodplain.

1992-The Illinois State Museum Society conducted an extensive archaeological survey of the park. The survey included 1923 acres of the 2632 acre park or about 73% of it.

1993-Researchers from Northern Illinois University conducted test excavations at today's Lower Area parking lot and at the Hotel Plaza sites that are south and west of the Rock.

Other non-archaeological work conducted on Starved Rock and in the immediate vicinity could have uncovered evidence of a massacre. This work includes the following:
  • The Civilian Conservation Corps constructed stone retaining walls and stone steps on the Rock in the 1930s.
  • The construction of the Starved Rock Hotel in 1891.
  • The construction of the present Starved Rock Visitor's Center in 2004.
  • Miscellaneous digging: including water lines, sewer lines, electric lines, stairway and walkway construction, and a myriad of different work that required digging, plowing, or moving large quantities of dirt.
What was found during these excavations and surveys? Archaeological reports, photographs, and other documentation reveal that researchers have uncovered thousands of artifacts and features. Recovered artifacts include items of Native American origin like stone tools, pottery, and arrowheads; trade items of French manufacture including hundreds of small glass beads, bells, rings, and hatches; and items specifically used by the French like gun parts, compass covers, buttons, coins, lead shot, a lead seal, and ax heads. Burials, trash pits, fire pits, a dugout, possible footings of a redoubt, post molds, and other features of archaeological importance have also been found and documented. The artifacts, features, and graves found on the summit of the Rock span thousands of years of human history.

More recent surveys and excavations have uncovered much information about prehistoric and historic occupations throughout the park. Researchers conducting these surveys and excavations have examined areas around the base of the Rock, along the shoreline from it, and places within several hundred yards of the alleged massacre.

Considering all the excavations, surveys, and other work done at Starved Rock, no evidence of a large massacre, battle, or siege that occurred in 1769 has been found. No evidence of genocide was found on the summit of the Rock, at the base of the Rock, or anywhere near the Rock. The silence in the reports is deafening. Despite extensive study and excavation, there is no physical evidence of a massacre at Starved Rock.

Further, the written record from the period contradicts Meachelle and Shick-Shack, who claimed to have witnessed the massacre. An event of this magnitude would have most certainly been reported in letters and reports of British traders, merchants, soldiers, officers, or gentle­ men. There is, however, no mention of incredible British, French, or Spanish sources that corroborate the witness's claims. If the region was engulfed in war, as the witnesses claim, the British Army, whose job was keeping the peace, would surely have known about it. If the tribes rallied to destroy the Illinois Indians, both French and British traders would have conducted a brisk business selling guns, powder, shots, knives, and other weapons and gun repair. Certainly, if the Illinois Indians, or a large group of them, nearly all of whom lived near British posts, were exterminated, their British trading partners, whose business depended on trade with them, would have noted that their business was in peril. Reports from the British Army, ledgers and documents from British traders in Illinois would have reflected news of such a far-reaching event. It is true that there were scattered skirmishes and attacks perpetrated by Indians on both other Indians and the British at the time. Still, there is no written evidence from the period that states The Illinois were chased to Starved Rock and were slaughtered. The Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, the Wisconsin Historical Collections, the Indian Claims Commission, the New York Colonial Documents, the Gage Papers, and all other compilations are devoid of any reference to the event.

Lieutenant Colonel John Wilkins, the British commandant at Fort de Chartres, kept a journal of Transactions and Presents given to the Indians between December 23, 1768, and March 12,1772. The journal chronicles the meetings, councils, and discussions that occurred at the fort between the British and the Illinois Indians. Even a casual look through the journal reveals that the Illinois were constantly in and around the fort until 1772 — three years after the alleged massacre. Beyond that record is the lack of any mention of an event as great as this massacre.

The Illinois Indians were a part of the historical record beyond 1772. In 1773 the "British Illinois and Wabash Land Company" bought land from the Illinois. Kaskaskia chiefs Tamera, Petaguage, Jean-Baptiste Ducoign, Couroway, Kicounaisa, and Tontowaraganih; Peoria chiefs Black Dog, Aschiswewah, and Eschawinikiwah; and one Cahokia chief named Meinquipaumaih signed the agreement. The Kaskaskia, Peoria, Michigamea, Miami and Kickapoo allied with George Rogers Clark in 1778 during the American Revolution. In 1803, the Kaskaskia signed the Treaty of Vincennes, ceding most of their land in Illinois for two reserves. In 1818, the Peoria signed the Treaty of Edwardsville, giving them 640 acres in Missouri in exchange for much of their land in Illinois. In 1832, the remaining bands signed the Treaty of Castor Hill, relinquishing all of their lands in Illinois and Missouri. Also, in 1832, the remaining sub-tribes merged with the larger Peoria; they later settled on their “western reserve” in today's Kansas. In 1854, the Wea and Piankashaw of the Miami tribe, like their Illinois cousins, merged with the more numerous Peoria and became the Consolidated Peoria. Finally, in 1868, the group left Kansas and moved to northeast Oklahoma, where they remained the Peoria Indian Tribe of Oklahoma. 

A critical look at both the Meachelle and Shick-Shack accounts raises many questions. Given that thirst is a primary drive, why did dehydrated Illinois, amid a storm, choose to escape rather than recoup their health? How did over two thousand emaciated and weakened Indians escape from the Rock's summit without detection from the Allied sentries? How long did it take over two thousand frail people to silently descend the Rock in the dark and without rappelling gear? Why did the allied sentries not notice about two thousand people amassing at the base of the Rock? How did the eleven starving Illinois escapees negotiate the Illinois River rapids at night and paddle 225 miles nonstop to Saint Louis in advance of their healthy pursuers? Where is the record of their arrival at the French fort? Finally, the historical record clearly states that the only Indians on the east side of the Mississippi were the Illinois Indians. Given this record, who are the Indian friends who were reportedly sought out by the eleven escapees when they returned to Illinois?

An error in Schoolcraft's record that an “entrenchment” and “other excavations” were present on the summit adds to the misinformation about the massacre at the Rock. It appears that Schoolcraft believed that these features were proof that the Illinois were besieged at the site. Although Schoolcraft was a man of science, archaeology, as we know it today in the United States, did not exist in the early nineteenth century. Archaeology of that period was essentially a treasure hunt-not an anthropological endeavor that pieced together bits of information to reconstruct how people from an earlier time lived. He clearly misidentified the entrenchments and excavations that he observed. We know this because Schoolcraft misidentified similar earthworks on the Upper Mississippi the previous year (1820) at modem John Latsch State Park in Minnesota. Schoolcraft wrote that the Minnesota features were a “breast-work of about four feet in height, extending the best part of a mile, and sufficiently capacious to cover five thousand men.” Schoolcraft saw Mississippian Period Indian mounds (800 AD. to 1500 AD.), not fortifications.

Schoolcraft was not the only person to have seen the excavations on the Rock's summit. The Jesuit traveler and historian Charlevoix saw the same anomalies in 1721, a century before Schoolcraft. Charlevoix wrote that the Illinois Indians had “formerly cast up an entrenchment here [on Starved Rock], which might be easily repaired in case of any interruption of the enemy.” Like Schoolcraft, Charlevoix saw something he described as “entrenchments” on the Rock's summit. Although Charlevoix attributes these to the work of the Illinois Indians, they were probably dug by the French during the construction of Fort Saint Louis (winter 1682-1683). It is likely that the earthworks Charlevoix saw in 1721 were the ones noted by Schoolcraft.

While modem scientific techniques can explain the error regarding the “entrenchments” and “excavations,” it does not dispute Schoolcraft's ability as a scientist, one of America's first ethnologists, and a credible observer. He recorded finding mussel shells, fragments of antique pottery, and rocks that appeared to have been subjected to intense heat on the summit of Starved Rock. Glaringly missing from his recorded observations are the human bones that later visitors to the site claimed were scattered everywhere! Given Schoolcraft's detailed entries, the omission of information about sightings of human skulls and bones is noteworthy.

Other credible evidence contradicts witness accounts of abundant human bones at Starved Rock. For example, Patrick Kennedy, a British agent searching for copper mines in the Upper Illinois Valley, was at the Rock in 1773, four years after the alleged massacre. His journal makes no mention of human bones scattered around the site. An American expedition, dispatched by Lieutenant John Armstrong, was at the Rock in 1789. They mapped the Illinois River and noted a place they called “Small Rocks,” today's Starved Rock and adjacent bluffs. Like the Kennedy expedition, Armstrong's men mentioned nothing about human bones at the Rock.

The first private owner of Starved Rock was Daniel Hitt. Hitt, a Black Hawk War veteran and later colonel of the 53rd Illinois Volunteer Infantry was La Salle County's first surveyor. He had intimate knowledge of Starved Rock and the adjacent property, yet there is no mention of human bones or evidence of a massacre in his surveys or correspondences.

When did people begin calling the site Starved Rock? The Rock was known to the French as “du Rocher,” a term that simply means “The Rock.” Starved Rock was known as "the Rock" during the British Regime.” In 1789, Starved Rock and the adjacent bluffs were called “Small Rocks.” By 1796, the area was called “Little Rocks,” and in 1827, Starved Rock was called “Little Rock” by Indian Agent John Forsyth. In 1821 and 1832, Herny Schoolcraft and Timothy Flint called the site “Rock Fort.” Not until 1834 did the name “Starved Rock” appear in the literature of the day.

Where did the Legend of Starved Rock originate? Is the story based on an ancient myth or on an actual historical event? Although some researchers believe that the story came from the Legend of Red Banks (Wisconsin), the most compelling evidence indicates that the legend is based on an actual historical event that happened at the Rock in 1722.

Between 1712 and 1730, the French and their Indian allies were involved in a series of hostilities with the Fox Indians called the Fox Wars. By 1718, the Illinois Indians were fully embroiled in these clashes. Not long after, the Illinois Country was in chaos as warfare between the Fox and Illinois Indians closed the Fox/Wisconsin and Chicago/Illinois water routes. In 1721, a Fox war party struck Kaskaskia in Southern Illinois, killing several Illinois Indians and a French soldier. In response, a French and Illinois party pursued the Fox war party. Somewhere between Kaskaskia and the Fox homelands in modem Wisconsin, the French and Illinois caught up with their enemies. A skirmish ensued, and over thirty Fox Indians were taken prisoner in the fight. The captives were delivered to the Peoria Indians on the Illinois River, who summarily burned them to death. One of the victims was Minchilay, the nephew of a major Fox chief named Ouashala. Leaming of Minchilay's death, the aging chief deter­ mined to take revenge upon the Peoria Indians. Ouashala later told the French: “I was so angry with them for their cruelty in burning my nephew Minchilay-whose alliance to the principal chiefs of the Sakis [Sacs] has led that tribe to side with us that I could think of nothing except going to avenge this Minchilay. I had resolved, on setting out, to destroy their village [the Peoria village at Starved Rock] completely and to spare no lives whatever.

The following year, in 1722, Ouashala's war party attacked the Peoria village at Starved Rock. Although specific details of the raid are sketchy, it is likely that the non-combatants climbed to the summit of the Rock and were later joined by the defending warriors. The Fox war party besieged the Peoria on top of Starved Rock. No one knows how long the siege lasted. Ouashala later told the French, “I pressed them very hard, and it depended only upon myself to carry out my project fully; for, finding themselves on the verge of destruction, reduced by hunger, and deprived of all means of getting water so that they were beginning to die of thirst.” Next, it appears, according to Ouashala, that the Illinois realized the helplessness of their situation and “asked for a parley.” Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, wrote to the Minister that “They [the Foxes] reduced them [the Illinois] to such extremities that they were obliged to sue for their lives.” Ouashala assembled his warriors and tried to persuade them to meet with the Illinois. The Braves, however, opposed the idea. It took Ouashala much effort to convince them to listen to the terms of the Illinois. With this accomplished, several Illinois chiefs, with three slaves as interpreters, asked the Foxes to “withdraw, as they were reduced to the last extremity.“ Again, Ouashala tried to convince his young men to listen to reason and spare the lives of Illinois, which was no easy task as Illinois was completely at the mercy of the Fox warriors. The Fox chief “represented to them at once that their father Onontio [Vaudreuil] was a good model, and that they ought to imitate him in following the example he had set for us, when, in a similar case, our lives were spared by Monsieur de Louvigny.” Then Navangounik, Ouashala's brother, stepped forward and sided with the chief. Eventually, with much apprehension, the warriors acquiesced to their leader's decision. The Fox war party left the Rock and headed for home.

Even if Ouashala exaggerated his exploits against the Illinois, other independent sources document the event. For example, a mixed French and Indian force was dispatched to liberate the Peoria Indians. Diron d'Artaguette, Inspector General of Louisiana, later wrote:

M. de Boisbriand, having learned all these things, resolved to go to the rescue of these Illinois, whom their enemies held besieged, and he departed with a hundred Frenchmen [in boats and pirogues]. M.M. D'Artaguette and Tisne, infantry captains, with de Usie, an ensign, and some other subalterns, accompanied him. He then ordered Bourdon, a Canadian living in Illinois, to take the forty Frenchmen who remained and proceed by land until he came close to the Pymiteouy, where they would meet. Bourdon added to the 40 Frenchmen and 400 Illinois Indians. M. de Boisbriant left as a guard for Fort de Chartres a man named Mellicq, lieutenant of a company, and some soldiers. But their journey was not long. M. de Boisbriant learned when forty leagues up the Riviere des Illinois that the enemies had withdrawn. In addition, in 1723, Vaudreuil wrote to the French Minister, “The Renards [the Fox Indians] last year besieged the Illinois of du Rocher.

As a result of the Fox raid, the Peoria abandoned the Illinois Valley and moved to the camps of the Illinois sub-tribes who lived along the Mississippi River. They remained along the “American Bottom” until about 1730 when they returned to the Upper Illinois Valley. The 1722 siege at the Rock is the probable origin of the legend we know today.

The Legend of Starved Rock is a well-known tale that allegedly occurred in 1769. Unfortunately, there is little, if any, credible evidence to prove the event actually occurred. We know that in 1769, the Illinois Indians lived over two hundred miles from Starved Rock along the American Bottoms in Southern Illinois and in Eastern Missouri. There, they traded with British traders, met continually with the British Army, and sold land to a British land company. Later, they allied with George Rogers Clark, negotiated treaties with the United States Government, and eventually moved to Oklahoma, where they operate casinos and golf courses today. Archaeological excavations and surveys on and around Starved Rock have failed to locate evidence of a siege or battle in 1769. Also missing is archaeological evidence directly linking the Illinois Indians of 1769 with the occupation at Starved Rock. Nothing in the historical record by any credible British, French, or Spanish authority of the period references a siege, a battle, or the destruction of the Illinois Indians at Starved Rock. Schoolcraft's journal also casts doubt upon the validity of the story. The journals and writings of credible British and American expeditions, including Kennedy, Lieutenant Armstrong, Schoolcraft, and Hitt, mention nothing about human bones scattered in abundance at the site. Matson's popular account of the destruction of The Illinois includes pre-siege battle casualties of over 17,600-more than twice the number of both Federal and Confederate dead at Gettysburg! Considering the above, there is no verifiable evidence whatsoever that the Illinois Indians were besieged and destroyed on Starved Rock in 1769.

There also is no evidence that a group or wayward band of Illinois was killed at the site in 1769. What is known is that the Peoria sub-tribe of the Illinois Alliance was besieged by the Fox Indians in 1722, resulting in a negotiated truce. This real and verifiable historical event is, with little doubt, the origin of the Starved Rock Legend.

While the Legend of Starved Rock is not factual, it is important. Legends keep us interested in past events and help explain the present. They provide intrigue and stimulate our curiosity to discover history. Inherent in the Legend of Starved Rock is the same vitality and spirit that visitors experience when they explore the beautiful park that nears its name. Legends are great — keep telling them!

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.
Contributor, Mark Walczynski

Thursday, July 5, 2018

French Life in the Illinois County (1673-1778), from Canada to Louisiana, in the 1700s.


In historical writing and analysis, PRESENTISM introduces present-day ideas and perspectives into depictions or interpretations of the past. Presentism is a form of cultural bias that creates a distorted understanding of the subject matter. Reading modern notions of morality into the past is committing the error of presentism. Historical accounts are written by people and can be slanted, so I try my hardest to present fact-based and well-researched articles.

Facts don't require one's approval or acceptance.

I present [PG-13] articles without regard to race, color, political party, or religious beliefs, including Atheism, national origin, citizenship status, gender, LGBTQ+ status, disability, military status, or educational level. What I present are facts — NOT Alternative Facts — about the subject. You won't find articles or readers' comments that spread rumors, lies, hateful statements, and people instigating arguments or fights.

FOR HISTORICAL CLARITY
When I write about the INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, I follow this historical terminology:
  • The use of old commonly used terms, disrespectful today, i.e., REDMAN or REDMEN, SAVAGES, and HALF-BREED are explained in this article.
Writing about AFRICAN-AMERICAN history, I follow these race terms:
  • "NEGRO" was the term used until the mid-1960s.
  • "BLACK" started being used in the mid-1960s.
  • "AFRICAN-AMERICAN" [Afro-American] began usage in the late 1980s.

— PLEASE PRACTICE HISTORICISM 
THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PAST IN ITS OWN CONTEXT.
 


If there is a single word that best describes Illinois during the French Colonial period, it is strategic. The colony of New France, hereinafter called Canada, was centered upon the eastern end of the Great Lakes waterways  one of two major east-west axes of North America. When Illinois was part of Canada, it was merely a far western margin of that colony. Even though Illinois had attributes that were in very short supply in the rest of Canada, such as a warmer climate, better soils, and large river transportation networks, Canada was focused upon the fur trade, and Illinois' attributes seemed unimportant.
Map of western New France, including the Illinois Country, 1688.
When viewed from the south, however, the Illinois Country is bracketed by the Mississippi River (the Indians called the Mississippi River "Sinnissippi," meaning "rocky waters"), Missouri, and Ohio Rivers. The Mississippi River forms the strategic north-south axis of North America. The Ohio and Missouri Rivers and their tributaries form another east-west axis for all of the midcontinent between the Appalachian and Rocky Mountains. More important, the Illinois and Wabash Rivers connect to the Great Lakes. All trade and travel were by water, and Illinois, at the center of North America, had vast potential for trade. Likewise, Illinois' potential for agriculture was unmatched. Illinois had another potential as well, but its primary importance was strategic.

Beginning in 1699, the French established a weak presence at Biloxi on the Gulf of Mexico, beginning the new colony known as Louisiana and establishing a tenuous connection through the Illinois Country all the way to Canada. From the moment France took possession of Illinois, British traders and the Indian tribes under British influence were already looking to the Mississippi River. Regardless of France's claims of ownership, the Illinois Indians were the only buffer keeping the Iroquois from cutting off Canada from the Mississippi Valley. Meanwhile, British traders were both expanding westward from the Carolinas and planning to colonize the mouth of the Mississippi River. France had to establish itself in the Mississippi Valley if it wished to hold on to the continent.

Despite a difficult start, the French managed to build substantial posts at Mobile (1710) and New Orleans (1718). They began establishing posts in anticipation of trade, mining, and military control at various locations along the Mississippi River. The French were establishing forts in the Illinois Country.

FRENCH FORTS IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTY (1673-1778)
1680Fort Crèvecoeur, Creve Coeur, Peoria County
1682Fort Saint Louis du Rocher, North Utica, La Salle County
1691Fort Pimiteoui, Peoria County (Rebuild of Fort Crèvecoeur)
1720Fort de Chartres, Randolph County
1729 - Fort Le Pouz, Joliet, Will County
1757Fort Massac, Massac County
1759Fort Kaskaskia, Randolph County
French Map of "Païs des Ilinois" (Illinois Country) in 1717.
In Illinois, the earlier Jesuit mission at Peoria was still present when Louisiana was established. As part of France's efforts to better establish itself in the Mississippi Valley, a group rival to the Jesuits (Seminary of Quebec, better known as "the Foreign Missions") was allowed to start a mission along the Mississippi River in Illinois among the Tamaroa Indians in 1699. This establishment, later known as Cahokia, was nearly opposite present-day St. Louis, Missouri. In response to these rivals and to movements of the Kaskaskia tribe, the Jesuits then shifted their main emphasis to the south, founding the settlement Kaskaskia about forty-five miles south of Cahokia. Although Cahokia and Kaskaskia remained relatively small, this short stretch of the Mississippi River encompassed much of the total area eventually occupied by the French and French-Indian population of the Illinois Country. Trade with Louisiana increased rapidly, with agricultural products from Illinois helping sustain the rapidly growing posts in the south.

Given its location and its supposed wealth of food, furs, and minerals, the Illinois settlement on the Mississippi loomed large on the political landscape as planners in France, Louisiana, and Canada tried to decide what to do with their tenuous hold on North America.

THE FRENCH TOWNS OF ILLINOIS
Prior to 1718, the Illinois Country was formally under the control of Canada. During this period, Cahokia and Kaskaskia were essentially Indian villages accompanied by missions, and a small population of French Canadians married to Indian women. In late 1717, when the official lines of division between Louisiana and Canada were drawn up, Illinois became the northernmost of nine military districts within Louisiana. Louisiana was indistinctly divided from Canada through the middle of present-day Illinois. Peoria had previously been the center of Illinois under Canada, but now the Illinois River was simply one of the "roads" between Canada and Louisiana. The tiny settlements of Cahokia and Kaskaskia were the center of Louisiana's hopes for a colony in the heart of North America.

After 1718, the number of French people in Illinois immediately rose. For many years, the colony of French Louisiana was operated under a trade monopoly (initially called the Company of the West, then the Company of the Indies). The Company sent an initial expedition to fortify and occupy the Illinois Country, which ascended to the Mississippi River in the summer of 1718. Fort de Chartres was built about eighteen miles north of Kaskaskia along the banks of the Mississippi River. Then, the new Village of Chartres (1720-1765) quickly sprang up near the fort. The population of the French villages in Illinois was made up of a mix of settlers, soldiers, slaves, voyageurs, converted Indians, and administrators.

Initial hopes for the settlement of Illinois were based on the expectation that mineral wealth would be easily located and exploited. In spite of great efforts by the French, little more than lead mines were located, and the early attempts to mine the lead were unprofitable. As hopes for quick profits faded, the small French villages settled into a pattern of slow growth.

At the first census in 1723, Kaskaskia was listed as having nearly two hundred "French" people, while Fort de Chartres had 126 and Cahokia had 12. The French population was augmented by slaves who worked in the mines and fields and by soldiers. Indian slaves were purchased from local tribes, and black slaves were brought to Illinois in 1720 for mining operations and soon were common among the settlers. For instance, a census in 1732 shows that the French population was still less than 400 but that there were now significantly more slaves (119 Indian slaves and 165 black slaves) than nine years before.
Map of settlements in the Illinois Country in 1778.
By the 1750s, the number of French villages had increased to include St. Phillippe and Prairie du Rocher near the fort and Prairie du Pont near Cahokia. At the census of 1752 -- nearly a half-century after they were established.-- the total number of French community residents probably did not greatly exceed 2,000. About one-third of these were black and Indian slaves. Another source estimated that there were 260 houses in the Illinois County.

THE PEOPLE OF FRENCH ILLINOIS
The standard French settlers were known as habitants. These families were headed by married French men who settled on the land. Throughout the French period, there was a general shortage of women, so in the earlier decades, the wives of French settlers were typically Indian women and the daughters of earlier French/Indian marriages. Another source of women in French colonies, in general, were orphans or those recruited from the impoverished classes in France. Officers and administrators sometimes brought their wives from France or New Orleans.

In both Canada and Louisiana, French settlers soon came to enjoy more personal freedom than their counterparts in France. Both the church and the nobility lost a certain measure of traditional control over the colonists. In accordance with their parent culture, the French in North America continued to display great respect for nobility and the privileges of rank. All who could claim any pretense of a noble-sounding name made full use of it.

Despite the distances to both Canada and New Orleans, merchants were able to establish themselves in the towns of French Illinois, where they employed -- men who carried the trade to Indian villages. Men farmed and traded or pursued a craft. Some craft skills were what one would expect; there were many masons and carpenters. Others worked as blacksmiths, millers, gunsmiths, roofers, tailors, and bakers. Other special skills were less common. For instance, records mention a wig maker, a tavern keeper, interpreters, and there was a "barber/surgeon." This odd-sounding combination of skills serves to warn us of that time of crude medical services. One skill surprisingly absent was weaving. Neither men nor women created fabrics. It was forbidden! All fabrics and most finished clothes had to be purchased from the King's stores or brought in with the fur-trade goods.

Some soldiers retired, married, and stayed in Illinois, but many more went back to New Orleans or France when their duties were finished. Another class of men living in the French villages were the voyageurs, who were typically born in France or Canada and carried goods back and forth to New Orleans in the annual convoy and made fur-trading trips to Canada and the Indian villages.

The presence of slaves in French Illinois is perhaps surprising given Illinois' later antislavery image. The truth is both more and less shocking than it might seem. The enslavement of blacks and Indians was relatively less harsh in Illinois in the 1700s than we generally think of in the southern states during the 1800s. Most slaves were distributed in small numbers among families rather than as workforces on large plantations. Both common practice and French law made slaves less subject to mistreatment. In some cases, slaves could even testify in court against their owners if mistreated. On the other hand, both morally and legally, this was still slavery. Indians and blacks were owned as property. Nor did French law allow blacks to intermarry with whites. Indian tribes captured native slaves from further west and sold them to both the French and other tribes further east. Slavery continued by both the English and the Spanish governments in Illinois County after the end of the French Period and was still a hotly contested topic after Illinois became part of the United States.

LIFEWAYS
Lifeways of the habitants in Illinois were very much true to French culture. Both the form and the function of daily life were part and parcel of the Catholic religion. The annual calendar was crowded with religious observations, such as Holy Days of Obligation, in which there was no work but plenty of feasting and celebrating. Games and contests abounded. Holidays were celebrated with vigor and revelry, and every wedding, birth, and death was marked by ceremony, custom, and superstition. Marriage contracts, dowers and dowries, wills and inheritances, civil contracts, and matters of public pride and appearances were all avidly attended to in ways that hold but little resemblance to the arrangements of the English Protestant society that was forming along the east coast of North America. Temporary variations in the accepted codes of social behavior, such as can be seen in the Carnival festivities throughout South and Central America, were typical of French Louisiana and Illinois as well.
French Festivities in the Illinois Country.
Yet there were marked differences between the colonial French and their counterparts in Europe. The land was essentially free and plentiful, hunting and fishing were conducted at will, and lumber and firewood abounded. All basic needs could be provided for without great effort. Leisure and social activities were enhanced accordingly. Both civil and religious authorities were ineffective at closely controlling the habitants. Interaction with the natives instilled a sense of freedom and self-determination unknown among France's lower classes.

The annual convoys to and from New Orleans were central to the life of the colony in Illinois. Voyageurs might risk traveling to and from Canada and Louisiana on their own, but much of the goods and all of the office supplies for the colony came by way of the convoy. For much of the French Period, convoys had to be heavily guarded. Anyone carrying goods alone or in small groups was subject to being robbed or murdered by Indians who were encouraged by the British. The mere task of ascending the Mississippi River made more than one journey per year unlikely. Early each spring, when the water flow was high and the banks of the river were flooded, a convoy left Illinois carrying meat, flour, hides, and other products. The trip down to New Orleans took twelve to twenty days, but the late summer trip back to Illinois against the low water and less current was very slow. It took several months for the convoy of flat-bottomed cargo boats to be pushed, pulled, paddled, and sailed up the Mississippi River.

THE ECONOMY
Illinois was the breadbasket of French Louisiana. During good years, approximately three times the food that was needed to sustain the people in Illinois could be raised here. Some products, such as wheat, corn, meat and hides, could be sold to the rest of Louisiana in especially large quantities. Convoys from Illinois supplied the French posts and villages to the south with huge amounts of flour. Corn, barley, tobacco, and cotton were also transported. Large numbers of cattle, oxen, horses, and pigs were raised in Illinois, and items gathered from the wild, such as buffalo hides and bear oil, were also transported in large quantities.
French traders and Indians traded European goods for furs.
Many of the better furs went north to Canada. Some lead was mined for Louisiana, but the quantity never met the expectations of administrators. The trading of goods and services  ─ bartering  ─ was the only effective mode of exchange. Very little money was to be found in French Illinois.

WAR AND NEGLECT AT THE HEART OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE
As hopes for easy mineral and trading wealth failed to materialize in the Illinois Country, the companies paying for administration and defense of the Illinois Country soon tired of the burden and began cutting costs. It was deemed sufficient to have the Indian tribes fight the wars, and many soldiers were recalled. Forts fell into disrepair, leaving the settlers to their own devices.

The Mesquakie (Fox) tribe in the north attacked the new colony from its beginning. Nonetheless, military support for Illinois was soon greatly reduced. Farming, hunting, and trading were all attended to at risk of attack, and numerous people were killed in the vicinity of the settlements. After the Fox threat was overcome by the concerted effort of many tribes and French troops from both Canada and Louisiana, a new threat arose from the south. The Chickasaw Indians, who were allied with the British from the Carolinas, persisted in trying to cut Illinois off from Louisiana. French Illinois lived in an almost constant state of sustained warfare.

A TURNING POINT FOR THE FRENCH EMPIRE IN NORTH AMERICA
In 1748, a formal assessment of the French interests in North America concluded that the Illinois Country was of very little economic value to France. Posts and settlements generated little income and were a net loss. None of the anticipated prosperity for the settlers there was going to materialize. Yet, it was clear that if France wanted to hold any of its colonies in North America, it had to hold Illinois. Thus, at the end of the French regime in Illinois, the bitter truth was the same as it had been from the beginning: Illinois was strategic. If Illinois was lost to the British, who were already starting to encroach in the Ohio Valley, then France would also lose the rest of North America. However the population in Illinois was far too small. Although birth rates were high, immigration to the French colonies had always been limited. Compared to the vigorous and diverse peoples flooding into the British colonies, French immigration had been especially slow because of the unprofitable reputation of the colonies. In spite of repeated plans to fortify the Ohio River, nothing of substance had ever been done there. Decades of trying to reap the maximum profits by skimping on the military defense, administrative costs, and presents to the tribes left the Illinois Country with no strength or resources. Worst of all, Illinois now had a long history of making very poor returns on investments. The French government was going to have to shoulder the costs of safekeeping the colonies at its own expense.

ILLINOIS BECOMES THE NEW FRONTIER
In the 1750s, France tried to stave off the dangers to its North American empire. A major expedition descended the Ohio Valley and ousted the British. A major new fort was built near the mouth of The Ohio, and the fort on the Illinois River among The Peoria was rebuilt. In anticipation of a spreading general war in Europe, coordinated efforts with Canada were made, and attacks against the western expansions of the British were undertaken. Yet these fixes were both too little and too late. France's ambiguities about Illinois were also typical of its other colonial possessions. They existed to serve France, and they were valued accordingly. The fate of the French empire in North America was decided on European battlefields. All possessions east of the Mississippi, except the mouth of the Mississippi and New Orleans, were ceded to England. New Orleans and all of western Louisiana, including Ste. Genevieve and the brand new settlement of St. Louis, were given to Spain in return for its loss of Spanish Florida to the British.

When the British took over in the mid-1760s, The Illinois settlements were largely deserted. Most of the French settlers had simply moved across the Mississippi River to be under Spanish rule. The British began expanding their trade westward from the Great Lakes and the Ohio Valley. Their interest in Illinois was largely so they could push an illegal trade into Spanish possessions to the west. For the British and the new American government that followed very soon after, Illinois was a new frontier facing the West.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 

Illinois' first penitentiary in Alton was unfit for prisoners when it closed in 1860. Then came the Civil War.


In historical writing and analysis, PRESENTISM introduces present-day ideas and perspectives into depictions or interpretations of the past. Presentism is a form of cultural bias that creates a distorted understanding of the subject matter. Reading modern notions of morality into the past is committing the error of presentism. Historical accounts are written by people and can be slanted, so I try my hardest to present fact-based and well-researched articles.

Facts don't require one's approval or acceptance.

I present [PG-13] articles without regard to race, color, political party, or religious beliefs, including Atheism, national origin, citizenship status, gender, LGBTQ+ status, disability, military status, or educational level. What I present are facts — NOT Alternative Facts — about the subject. You won't find articles or readers' comments that spread rumors, lies, hateful statements, and people instigating arguments or fights.

FOR HISTORICAL CLARITY
When I write about the INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, I follow this historical terminology:
  • The use of old commonly used terms, disrespectful today, i.e., REDMAN or REDMEN, SAVAGES, and HALF-BREED are explained in this article.
Writing about AFRICAN-AMERICAN history, I follow these race terms:
  • "NEGRO" was the term used until the mid-1960s.
  • "BLACK" started being used in the mid-1960s.
  • "AFRICAN-AMERICAN" [Afro-American] began usage in the late 1980s.

— PLEASE PRACTICE HISTORICISM 
THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PAST IN ITS OWN CONTEXT.
 


The Civil War began with stylish costumes, orchestrated parades, and romantic notions of warfare. Neither the North nor the South was prepared for the endless marching, the awesome reality of battle, the finality of death, or the number of prisoners that each side would eventually be expected to support.

The attitude of the Union toward the War is illustrated by its first call for volunteers, which was issued by Secretary of War Simon Cameron on April 15, 1861, and called for volunteers for three months of service. After the first few battles, both the North and the South discovered the seriousness of the war into which they had entered, and additional calls to arms were issued. Before General Robert Edward Lee surrendered in April 1865, Illinois had provided over 259,000 men.

In addition to providing thousands of soldiers to the Union, another important requirement of the Civil War was filled by Illinois. Four of the thirty-one military prisoner-of-war camps in the Union were located in this state: Alton; Camp Butler, in Springfield; Camp Douglas, in Chicago; and Rock Island.

The North and South captured six hundred and forty-seven thousand prisoners in the Civil War. Paroles on the field accounted for 264,000 of this total. Of the remaining 410,000 prisoners of war, 215,000 were Confederate soldiers and citizens held in Union prisons; 195,000 were Union soldiers and citizens held in Confederate prisons. By the end of the war, 30,000 Union soldiers had died in Confederate prisons, and 26,000 Confederate soldiers had died in Union prisons. Andersonville (located near Americus, Georgia) accounted for at least 45,000 of the prisoners held by the South and was by far the largest holding facility in the Confederacy. This camp also had the worst death rate in the South. Between July 1864 and May 1865, 13,000 Union soldiers died, an average of over 1,100 per month.

Illinois accounted for approximately 53,000 of the prisoners held by the North. Elmira, New York, was the site of the second-largest military prison in the North and accounted for 12,000 prisoners. This facility had the worst death ratio of the northern prisons. In its short existence of 13 months, from July 1864 through July 1865, nearly 3,000 Confederate prisoners of war died, an average of 230 per month.

THE FIRST POW'S ARRIVE
Illinois' first state penitentiary, built in 1831 in Alton, had been inspected by Dorthea Dix, famed prison reformer, in 1855. She had reported this facility unfit for prisoners because of its dirt floors and unsanitary conditions. By 1860, the state penitentiary had moved to Joliet, and the prison in Alton was closed. Upon learning of the vacant facility, General Halleck sent a request to Washington that the empty penitentiary be utilized as a military prison.
This corner wall is all that remains of the prison that once covered several blocks near Alton's riverfront. Stones from the prison were used in many buildings around the city. In the 1880s, the site was converted into a park and named after Uncle Remus, the character from Joel Chandler Harris' stories. When the park was abandoned, the ruins were relocated to their corner location at the opposite end of the site.
The first prisoners were transferred from the crowded Gratiot Street Military Prison (formerly the McDowell Medical College) in St. Louis in February of 1862. W.T. Norton's History of Madison County provides a description of the arrival of the first Confederate prisoners of war at the Alton facility: "On a quiet Sabbath afternoon, February 9, 1862, the first consignment of prisoners arrived from the south, brought up the river by steamer. They marched from the landing to the prison, passing through a gate in the south wall. It was a motley crowd. Not all were soldiers; they included spies, bridge burners, train wreckers and southern sympathizers of various grades."

At first, the exchange of prisoners between the North and South, as provided for in the Dix-Hill Cartel signed in July 1862, kept the number of prisoners down in the prison camps. With the collapse of this cartel, however, prisons in both the North and South began to overfill, and the quality of prison life decreased dramatically. Overcrowding and poor policing of the area made all of the camps breeding grounds for the diseases the prisoners brought with them.

The Alton facility, with its 256 cells, was built to house 900 inmates, but during its use as a military prison during the Civil War, its average population was about 1,200, with a peak of 1,900 in January 1865. During the course of the war, 11,000 inmates spent time in this former penitentiary, which consisted of several block buildings surrounded by a high stone wall. It was located in the downtown area of Alton, just a few hundred feet from the Mississippi River. Since the city slopes toward the river, the prisoners were able to see much of the town, especially the bell tower for the Baptist Church, and many are said to have watched the hands of the clock on that tower as they waited for news of exchange or the war's end.

To accommodate the excess prisoners, bunks three beds high were built in the hallways, with mattresses of straw covered by blankets or buffalo robes. The conditions that existed when Dorthea Dix had reported this facility unfit for the housing of criminals, with its dirt floors and unsanitary conditions, had not changed when the Civil War prisoners were moved in. Thousands of prisoners died from infection, malnutrition, dysentery, scurvy, and anemia brought on by the unsanitary, overcrowded, and poorly supplied environment.

SUNFLOWER ISLAND
In late 1863, a smallpox epidemic broke out that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of prisoners and guards. The small five-bed prison hospital could not accommodate the many men stricken with the disease, and when the Mayor of Alton heard of the epidemic, he ordered all Alton hospitals and cemeteries off limits to the prison. Until this decree, the prisoners had been buried in a small cemetery three miles north of the prison in North Alton.

The unsanitary and overcrowded conditions at the prison were causing the disease to spread at an alarming rate, and the warden looked for an area outside the camp to which all infected men and guards could be moved, and a new cemetery began. Sunflower Island (also called Tow Head Island), facing the prison midstream in the Mississippi River, became the site for the smallpox hospital and cemetery for the prison. Guards had to be threatened with court martial to make them report to the island, for smallpox was just as contagious to the guards as it was to the prisoners. Guards and prisoners were buried together, with as many as 60 bodies in a common grave. The number of men who died on the island is not well documented. Prison hospital records show an average of five deaths per day, with 900 buried on the island. Estimates of the unrecorded deaths and burials on the island range from 1,000 to 5,000. A memorial in the North Alton cemetery lists the names of 1,300 Confederate prisoners of war who died in the prison, which is the number of deaths recorded at the Alton prison by the official records. (In the late 1930s, with the completion of the Alton Lock and Dam No. 26, the island cemetery disappeared under the new, higher level of the Mississippi called Alton Lake.)

Prisoners anxiously awaited release, but few avenues were open to them. In the early years of the war, exchange was a fairly common occurrence, and the prisons went through periods when they were nearly empty between large-scale battles. With the loss of the possibility of exchange in 1863, as the North and South argued over conditions of exchange and Grant made known the advantage of holding so much of the Southern fighting force as prisoners of war, escape, and oaths of allegiance to the United States became more prevalent in the camps. These occurrences, as well as the conditions the prisoners found themselves in, are documented in diary entries by Confederate prisoner Griffin Frost: "We left old Alma Mater" (Gratiot Street Prison, St. Louis, Missouri), who, by the way, has been something of a stepmother, at three, but did not reach our present quarters before dark; immediately upon our arrival we were carefully searched, person and baggage, but I was fortunate enough to smuggle my book through wrapped in a shirt, which I honestly exhibited, but which too beggarly to invite scrutiny. Thirty-two of us occupy an eighteen-foot square room; some have bunks, others take the floor. John says they have some pretty tough times. Some of the men are treated shockingly, but it is usually the result of a hasty or impudent act or speech on the part of a prisoner; if a man strictly obeys orders and forebears comments, he is generally safe.
"... Discover that our change is very decidedly for the worst, this is a much harder place than Gratiot -- it is almost impossible to sleep on account of the rats, which run all over us through the night; it is hard to tell which are the thickest -- rats or men, there are over two thousand of the latter, and many of them entered for the war; in some of the buildings it is difficult to turn around. There is much sickness; the smallpox is prevailing, and many are dying daily."
NO EXCHANGES, NO EXCEPTIONS
The last prisoner exchange from an Illinois prison occurred in June 1863. At that time, 1,200 prisoners of war at the Alton facility were exchanged, leaving that site nearly empty for a short time. For the remaining 22 months of the war, POWs in Illinois camps who wished to leave prison were limited to either attempting escape or taking the oath of allegiance to the United States.

Eighty prisoners escaped from Alton in the four years that facility was in operation. Thirty-five prisoners escaped in 1862, with one mass escape of 27 prisoners through an 18-inch tunnel. In 1864, 46 prisoners attempted to overtake their guards as they left the prison for a quarry work detail. In the ensuing fight, seven prisoners were killed, five were wounded, and two escaped. Two guards were also killed in this attempt. Yet another escape plan was thwarted when two prisoners were caught at the outlet of the prison sewer system, where it dumped into the Mississippi River.

One of the prisoners escaped in a coffin in 1863. When the hearse was out of sight of the prison, Samuel Breckinridge of Murfreesboro, Tennessee, climbed out of the coffin and escaped to the South. Mr. Breckinridge visited Alton in 1937 and found his name on the Confederate monument for prisoners who had died in Alton.

In early 1865, exchanges of prisoners between the North and South on a man-to-man basis became more frequent, and large numbers of prisoners were released on their oaths of allegiance and allowed to go back to what was left of their homes and families.

WALL OF MEMORY
The Alton prison was ordered closed on June 20, 1865, with the remaining 50 prisoners transferred to St. Louis.

The War of the Rebellion had ended, and the North and South worked to rebuild the ties that bound them as a Union. The prison facilities were vacated and, in many cases, dismantled, and the cemeteries often fell into disrepair. The Alton facility was torn down, and the bricks were sold for use in other buildings. One corner was allowed to remain as a reminder of the prison that once existed. It, too, fell into disrepair.

Over the next few decades, as hostility began to lessen on both sides, the prisoner cemeteries in the North and South received more attention, and monuments were placed in memory of those buried in often-unmarked graves. In 1910, the Daughters of the Confederacy dedicated a monument in the North Alton cemetery to the documented 1,300 POWs who died in the Alton prison camp.
Samuel A. Harrison, a former prisoner of the Alton facility, revisited the site in June 1938 at age 96 to choose a stone for his grave marker. The stone was delivered in 1944.
Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.