Sunday, June 21, 2020

Jane Addams' Hull House tried to save Chicago's only "Devil Baby," born in 1913.

Jane Addams' Hull House was a place of refuge for new immigrants. It was built in 1856 by Charles Hull, and it served many new immigrant arrivals to Chicago and grew to a campus of 13 buildings by the mid-1910s. Jane Addams tried her best to help those adjusting to life in America by providing food, shelter, English language, and trade classes.

Visual Aid.
Not the Real 'Devil Baby.'
In 1913, as the story is told, an Italian woman and her husband abandoned their 'devil baby' on the doorstep of the Hull House. Hull House quickly became besieged in about six weeks with visitors and telephone inquiries. As the news got out, hundreds of people would flock to Hull-House to see the devil baby for themselves. The story got so out of hand that in 1916, the Atlantic news magazine even sent a journalist out to cover the story. Adams always denied the existence that this child was the Devil.


The Hull House was claimed to be haunted well before Addams bought it in September of 1889. It was a poor house from 1860 to around the late 1880s. Many people died on campus, including the wife of Charles Hull. She's thought to be one of the many spirits still roaming the halls of the main building. Jane often commented on the spirits, but she seemed amused but not frightened.



WOMEN'S MEMORIES TRANSMUTING THE PAST
AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE STORY OF THE DEVIL BABY

Quite as it would be hard for anyone of us to select the summer in which he ceased to live that life, so ardent in childhood and early youth, when all the actual happenings are in the future, so it must be difficult for old people to tell at what period they began to regard the present chiefly as a prolongation of the past. There is no doubt that such instinctive shiftings and reversals have taken place for many old people who, under Memory's control, are living much more in the past than in the ephemeral present.

It is most fortunate, therefore, that in some subtle fashion, these old people, reviewing the long road they have traveled, can transmute their own untoward (unexpected) experiences into what seems to make even the most wretched life acceptable. 

This may possibly be due to an instinct of self-preservation, which checks the devastating bitterness that would result did they recall over and over again the sordid detail of events long past; it is even possible that those people who were not able thus to inhibit their bitterness have died earlier, for as one old man recently reminded me, "It is a true word that worry can kill a cat."

This permanent and elemental memory function was graphically demonstrated at Hull House for several weeks when we were reported to be harboring within its walls a so-called "Devil Baby."

The knowledge of his existence burst upon the residents of Hull-House one day when three Italian women, with an excited rush through the door, demanded that he be shown to them. No amount of denial convinced them that he was not there, for they knew exactly what he was like with his cloven hoofs, his pointed ears, and diminutive tail; the Devil Baby had, moreover, been able to speak as soon as he was born and was most shockingly profane. 

The three women were but the forerunners of a veritable multitude; for six weeks, from every part of the city and suburbs, the streams of visitors to this mythical baby poured in all day long and so far into the night that the regular activities of the settlement were swamped.
Visual Aid. Not the Real 'Devil Baby.'



The Italian version, with a hundred 
variations
A devoutly Catholic woman hung a picture of the Virgin Mary on the wall, but her atheist husband tore it down. He stated that he would rather have the Devil himself in residence in the home rather than that picture on the wall. Several months later, his wife gave birth to a deformed child – hooves, claw hands, a tail, pointed ears, and, yes, horns on his head. She died from shock at first sight of her baby!

As soon as the Devil Baby was born, he ran around shaking a claw, in deep reproach, at his father, who finally caught him. Trembling in fear, he brought the baby to the Hull House. Despite the baby's shocking appearance, the residents there wished to save his soul, so they took him to the church to be baptized. 

They laid him down to prepare the baptismal fountain but found the empty shawl he was wrapped in. The Devil Baby fleed from the proximity of the holy water and was witnessed leaping from one pew to another on the backs of the pew benches.

The Jewish version, again with many variations:
When he found out she was pregnant, the father of six daughters told his wife that "he would rather have a devil in the family than another girl." Upon the baby's birth, he was a real devil child with pointed ears and a tail. Save for a red automobile which occasionally figured in the story, and a stray cigar which, in some versions, the newborn child had snatched from his father's lips, the tale might have been fashioned a thousand years ago.

Although the visitors to the Devil Baby included persons of every degree of prosperity and education, even physicians and trained nurses, who assured us of their scientific interest, the story constantly demonstrated the power of an old wives' tale among thousands of men and women in modern society who are living in the corner of their own, their vision fixed, their intelligence held by some iron chain of silent habit. To such primitive people, the metaphor is still the very "stuff of life," or rather, no other form of statement reaches them; the tremendous tonnage of current writing for them has no existence. It was in keeping with their simple habits that the reputed presence of the Devil Baby should not reach the newspapers until the fifth week of his sojourn at Hull-House after thousands of people had already been informed of his whereabouts by the old method of passing news from mouth to mouth. 

For six weeks, as I went about the house, I would hear a voice at the telephone repeating for the hundredth time that day, "No, there is no such baby"; "No, we never had it here"; "No, he couldn't have seen it for fifty cents"; "We didn't send it anywhere, because we never had it"; "I don't mean to say that your sister-in-law lied, but there must be some mistake"; "There is no use getting up an excursion from Milwaukee, for there isn't any Devil Baby at Hull-House"; "We can't give reduced rates, because we are not exhibiting anything"; and so on and on. As I came near the front door, I would catch snatches of arguments that were often acrimonious: "Why do you let so many people believe it if it isn't here ?" "We have taken three lines of cars to come, and we have as much right to see it as anybody else"; "This is a pretty big place; of course, you could hide it easy enough." "What are you saying that for? Are you going to raise the price of admission?"

We had doubtless struck a case of what the psychologists call the "contagion of emotion" added to that "æsthetic sociability" which impels any one of us to drag the entire household to the window when a procession comes into the street or a rainbow appears in the sky. The Devil Baby, of course, was worth many processions and rainbows, and I will confess that, as the empty show went on day after day, I quite revolted against such a vapid manifestation of even an admirable human trait. However, there was always one exception; whenever I heard the old women's high, eager voices, I was irresistibly interested and left anything I might be doing to listen to them. As I came down the stairs, long before I could hear what they were saying, implicit in their solemn and portentous old voices came the admonition:
"Wilt thou reject the past big with deep warnings?"
It was a grave and genuine matter with the old women, this story so ancient and yet so contemporaneous, and they flocked to Hull-House from every direction; those I had known for many years, others I had never known and some whom I had supposed to be long dead. But they were all alive and eager; something in the story or its mysterious sequences had aroused one of those active forces in human nature that do not take orders but insist only upon giving them. We had abruptly come in contact with a living and self-assertive human quality!

During the weeks of excitement, the old women seemed to have come into their own, and perhaps the most significant result of the incident was their reaction to the story upon them. It stirred their minds and memories as, with a magic touch, it loosened their tongues and revealed the inner life and thoughts of those who are so often inarticulate. They are accustomed to sitting at home and hearing the younger members of the family speak of affairs entirely outside their own experiences, sometimes in a language they do not understand, and at best in quick glancing phrases which they cannot follow; "More than half the time I can't tell what they are talking about," is an oft-repeated complaint. The story of the Devil Baby evidently put into their hands the sort of material they were accustomed to dealing with. They had long used such tales in their unremitting efforts at family discipline ever since they had frightened their first children into awed silence by stories of bugaboo men who prowled in the darkness.

These old women enjoyed a moment of triumph as if they had made good at last and had come into a region of sanctions and punishments they understood. Years of living taught them that recrimination with grown-up children and grandchildren is worse than useless, punishments are impossible, and domestic instruction is best given through tales and metaphors. 

As the old women talked with the new volubility which the story of the Devil Baby had released in them, going back into their long memories and urging its credibility upon me, the story seemed to condense that mystical wisdom which becomes deposited in the hearts of men by unnoticed innumerable experiences. 

Perhaps my many conversations with these aged visitors crystallized thoughts and impressions I had been receiving through years, or the tale itself may have ignited a fire, as it were, whose light illumined some of my darkest memories of neglected and uncomfortable old age, of old peasant women who had ruthlessly probed into the ugly depths of human nature in themselves and others. Many of them who came to see the Devil Baby had been forced to face tragic experiences. The powers of brutality and horror had had full scope in their lives, and for years they had had acquaintance with disaster and death. Such old women do not shirk life's misery by feeble idealism, for they are long past the make-believe stage. They relate without flinching the most hideous experiences: "My face has had this queer twist for nearly sixty years; I was ten when it got that way, the night after I saw my father do my mother with his knife." "Yes, I had fourteen children; only two grew to be men, and both were killed in the same explosion. I was never sure they brought home the right bodies." But even the most hideous sorrows which the old women related had apparently subsided into the paler emotion of ineffectual regret after Memory had long done her work upon them; the old people seemed, in some unaccountable way, to lose all bitterness and resentment against life, or rather to be so completely without it that they must have lost it long since.

None of them had a word of blame for undutiful children or heedless grandchildren because apparently the petty and transitory had fallen away from their austere old age, the fires were burnt out, resentments, hatreds, and even cherished sorrows had become actually unintelligible. 

Perhaps those women, because they had come to expect nothing more from life and had perforce ceased grasping and striving, had obtained, if not renunciation, that quiet endurance that allows the spirit's wounds to heal. Through their stored-up habit of acquiescence, they offered a fleeting glimpse of the translucent wisdom so often embodied in the old but so difficult to portray. It is doubtless what Michael Angelo had in mind when he made the Sybils old, what Dante meant by the phrase "those who had learned of life," and the age-worn minstrel who turned into song a Memory which was more that of history and tradition than his own. 

In contrast to the visitors to the Devil Baby who spoke only such words of groping wisdom as they were able, were other old women who, although they had already reconciled themselves too much misery, were still enduring more: "You might say it's a disgrace to have your son beat you up for the sake of a bit of money you've earned by scrubbing your own man is different — but I haven't the heart to blame the boy for doing what he's seen all his life, his father forever went wild when the drink was in him and struck me to the very day of his death. The ugliness was born in the boy as the marks of the Devil were born in the poor child upstairs." 

Some of these old women had struggled for weary years with poverty and much childbearing, had known what it was to be bullied and beaten by their husbands, neglected and ignored by their prosperous children, and burdened by the support of the imbecile and the shiftless ones. They had literally gone "Deep written all their days with care."

One old woman actually came from the poorhouse, having heard of the Devil Baby "through a lady from Polk Street visiting an old friend who has a bed in our ward." t was no slight achievement for the penniless and crippled old inmate to make her escape. She had asked "a young barkeep in a saloon across the road" to lend her ten cents, offering as security the fact that she was an old acquaintance at Hull House who could not be refused so slight a loan. She marveled at some length over the young man's goodness, for she had not had a dime to spend for a drink for the last six months, and he and the conductor had been obliged to lift her into the streetcar by main strength. She was naturally much elated over the achievement of her escape. To be sure, from the men's side, they were always walking off in the summer and taking to the road, living like tramps they did, in a way no one from the woman's side would demean herself to do; but to have left in a streetcar like a lady, with money to pay her own fare, was quite a different matter, although she was indeed "clean wore out" by the effort. However, it was clear that she would consider herself well repaid by the sight of the Devil Baby and that not only the inmates of her own ward but those in every other ward in the house would be made to "sit up" when she got back; it would liven them all up a bit, and she hazarded the guess that she would have to tell them about that baby at least a dozen times a day. 

As she cheerfully rambled on, we weakly postponed telling her there was no Devil Baby, first that she might have a cup of tea and rest, and then through a sheer desire to withhold a blow from a poor old body that had received so many throughout a long, hard life.

As I recall those unreal weeks, it was in her presence that I found myself for the first time vaguely wishing that I could administer comfort by the simple device of not asserting too dogmatically that the Devil Baby had never been at Hull-House. Our guest recalled with great pride that her grandmother had possessed second sight, that her mother had heard the Banshee three times and that she had heard it once. All this gave her a specific proprietary interest in the Devil Baby, and I suspected she cherished a secret hope that when she should lay her eyes upon him, she inherited gifts might be able to reveal the meaning of the strange portent. At the least, he would afford proof that her family-long faith in such matters was justified. Her misshapen hands lying on her lap fairly trembled with eagerness. 

It may have been because I was still smarting under the recollection of the disappointment we had so wantonly inflicted upon our visitor from the poorhouse that the very next day, I found myself almost agreeing with her whole-hearted acceptance of the past as of much more important than the mere present; at least for half an hour the past seemed also endowed for me with a profound and more ardent life. 

This impression was received in connection with an old woman, sturdy in her convictions. However, long since bedridden, who had doggedly refused to believe that there was no Devil Baby at Hull-House, unless "herself" told her so. Because of her mounting irritation with the envoys who one and all came back to her to report, "they say it ain't there/' it seemed well that I should go promptly before, "she fashed herself into the grave." As I walked along the street. Even as I went up the ramshackle outside stairway of the rear cottage and through the dark corridor to the "second floor back" where she lay in her untidy bed, I was assailed by a veritable temptation to give her a complete description of the Devil Baby, which by this time I knew so accurately (for with a hundred variations to select from I could have made a monstrous infant almost worthy of his name), and also to refrain from putting too much stress on the fact that he had never been really and truly at Hull-House. 

I found my mind hastily marshaling arguments for not disturbing her belief in the story, which had evidently brought her a vivid interest long denied her. She lived alone with her young grandson, who went to work every morning at seven o'clock and save for the short visits made by the visiting nurse and by kind neighbors, her long day was monotonous and undisturbed. But the story of a Devil Baby, with his existence officially corroborated as it were, would give her a lodestone that would attract the neighbors far and wide and exalt her once more into the social importance she had had twenty-four years before when I had first known her. She was then the proprietor of the most prosperous second-hand store on the street full of them, her shiftless, drinking husband and her jolly, good-natured sons doing precisely what she told them to do. This, however, was long past, for "owing to the drink," in her own graphic phrase, "the old man, the boys, and the business, too, were cleanly gone," and there was "nobody left but little Tom and me and nothing for us to live on.'

I remember how well she used to tell a story when I once tried to collect some folklore for Mr. Yeats to prove that an Irish peasant does not lose faith in the little people or his knowledge of Gaelic phrases simply because he is living in a city. She had at that time told me a fantastic tale concerning a red cloak worn by an old woman to a freshly dug grave. The story of the Devil Baby would give her material worthy of her powers, but of course, she must be able to believe it with all her heart. She could live only a few months at the very best, I argued to myself; why not give her this vivid interest and, through it, awake those earliest recollections of that long-accumulated folklore with its magic power to transfigure and eclipse the sordid and unsatisfactory surroundings in which life is actually spent? I solemnly assured myself that the imagination of old age needs to be fed and probably has quite as imperious a claim as that of youth, which levies upon us so remorselessly with its "I want a fairy story, but I don't like you to begin by saying that it isn't true." Impatiently I found myself challenging the educators who had given us no pedagogical instructions for the treatment of old age. However, they had fairly overinformed us about using the fairy tale with children.

The little room was stuffed with a magpie collection, the usual odds and ends which compose an old woman's treasures, augmented in this case by various articles which a second-hand store, even of the most flourishing sort, could not sell. In the picturesque confusion, if anywhere in Chicago, an urbanized group of the little people might dwell; they would undoubtedly find the traditional atmosphere they strictly require, marveling faith and unalloyed reverence. At any rate, an eager old woman aroused to her utmost capacity of wonder and credulity was the very soil, prepared to a nicety, for planting the seed thought of the Devil Baby. If the object of my errand had been an hour's reading to a sick woman, it would have been accounted to me for philanthropic righteousness, and if the chosen task had lifted her mind from her bodily discomforts and harassing thoughts so that she forgot them all for one fleeting moment, how pleased I should have been with the success of my effort. But here I was with a story at my tongue's end, stupidly hesitating to give it validity, although the very words were on my lips. I was still arguing the case with myself when I stood on the threshold of her room and caught the indomitable gleam of her eye, fairly daring me to deny the existence of the Devil Baby, her limp dropsical body so responding to her overpowering excitement that for the moment she looked alert in her defiance and positively menacing.

But, as in the case of many another weak soul, the decision was taken out of my hands. My very hesitation was enough, for nothing is more specific than that the bearer of a magical tale never stands dawdling on the doorstep. Slowly the gleam died out of the expectant old eyes, and the erect shoulders sagged and pulled forward. I saw only too plainly that the poor old woman had accepted one more disappointment in life already overflowing with them. She was violently thrown back into all the limitations of her personal experience and surroundings. That more meaningful life she had anticipated so eagerly was as suddenly shut away from her as if a door had been slammed in her face. 

I never encountered that particular temptation again, though she was no more pitiful than many of the aged visitors whom the Devil Baby brought to Hull House. But, perhaps due to this experience, I gradually lost the impression that the old people were longing for a second chance at life, to live it all over again and to live more fully and wisely. I became more reconciled to the fact that many had little opportunity for meditation or bodily rest but must keep working with their toil-worn hands, despite weariness or faintness of heart. 

The vivid interest of so many old women in the story of the Devil Baby may have been unconscious, although powerful, testimony that tragic experiences gradually become dressed in such trappings so that their spent agony may prove of some use to a world that learns at the hardest; and that the strivings and sufferings of men and women long since dead, their emotions no longer connected with flesh and blood, are thus transmuted into legendary wisdom. The young are forced to heed the warning in such a tale, although, for the most part, it is easy for them to disregard the words of the aged. That the old women who came to visit the Devil Baby believed that the story would secure them a hearing at home was evident, and as they prepared themselves with every detail of it, their old faces shone with timid satisfaction. Their features, worn and scarred by harsh living, as effigies built into the floor of an old church become dim and defaced by rough-shod feet, grew poignant and solemn. Amid their double bewilderment, both that the younger generation was walking in such strange paths and that no one would listen to them, for one moment, there flickered up the last hope of a disappointing life that it may at least serve as a warning while affording material for an exciting narrative.

Sometimes in talking to a woman who was "but a hair's breadth this side of the darkness," I realized that old age has its own expression for the mystic renunciation of the world. Their impatience with all non-essentials and the craving to be free from hampering bonds and soft conditions recalled Tolstoy's last impetuous journey. I was once more grateful to his genius for making evident another unintelligible impulse of bewildered humanity. 

Often, during a conversation, one of these touching old women would quietly express a longing for death, as if it were a natural fulfillment of an inmost desire, with sincerity and anticipation so genuine that I would feel abashed in her presence, ashamed to "cling to this strange thing that shines in the sunlight and to be sick with love for it." Such impressions were, in their essence, transitory. But one result from the hypothetical visit of the Devil Baby to Hull-House will, I think, remain: a realization of the sifting and reconciling power inherent in Memory itself. The old women, with much to aggravate and little to soften the habitual bodily discomforts of old age, exhibited an emotional serenity so vast and so reassuring that I found myself perpetually speculating upon how soon the fleeting and petty emotions which now seem unduly essential to us might be thus transmuted; at what moment we might expect the inconsistencies and perplexities of life to be brought under this appeasing Memory with its ultimate power to increase the elements of beauty and significance and to reduce, if not to eliminate, all sense of resentment.

FREE BOOK: The Long Road of Woman's Memory by Jane Aadams, pub:1916.

Jane Addams' idea for the book "The Long Road of Woman's Memory" was to do for old women, what she did for the community's youth in her book, "Youth of the City Streets."

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.

Friday, June 12, 2020

The Panic of 1907

The Panic of 1907 – also known as the 1907 Bankers' Panic or Knickerbocker Crisis – was a financial crisis that took place in the United States over a three-week period starting in mid-October, when the New York Stock Exchange fell almost 50% from its peak the previous year. 
Wall Street during the bank panic in October 1907.
Panic occurred, as this was during a time of economic recession, and there were numerous runs on banks and trust companies. The 1907 panic eventually spread throughout the nation when many state and local banks and businesses entered bankruptcy. Primary causes of the run included a retraction of market liquidity by a number of New York City banks and a loss of confidence among depositors, exacerbated by unregulated side bets at bucket shops. The panic was triggered by the failed attempt in October 1907 to corner the market on stock of the United Copper Company. When this bid failed, banks that had lent money to the cornering scheme suffered runs that later spread to affiliated banks and trusts, leading a week later to the downfall of the Knickerbocker Trust Company—New York City's third-largest trust. The collapse of the Knickerbocker spread fear throughout the city's trusts as regional banks withdrew reserves from New York City banks. Panic extended across the nation as vast numbers of people withdrew deposits from their regional banks.

The panic might have deepened if not for the intervention of financier J. P. Morgan, who pledged large sums of his own money, and convinced other New York bankers to do the same, to shore up the banking system. This highlighted the impotence of the nation's Independent Treasury system, which managed the nation's money supply yet was unable to inject liquidity back into the market. 

By November, the financial contagion had largely ended, only to be replaced by a further crisis. This was due to the heavy borrowing of a large brokerage firm that used the stock of Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company (TC&I) as collateral. The collapse of TC&I's stock price was averted by an emergency takeover by Morgan's U.S. Steel Corporation—a move approved by anti-monopolist president Theodore Roosevelt. 

The following year, Senator Nelson W. Aldrich, father-in-law of John D. Rockefeller Jr., established and chaired a commission to investigate the crisis and propose future solutions, leading to the creation of the Federal Reserve System.

The Panic of 1819

The Panic of 1819 initiated the nation's first major depression that swept across the country like a wildfire. 

As early as 1814, Thomas Jefferson warned, "We are to be ruined by paper, as we were formerly by the old Continental paper money." 
A 1775 Continental Twenty Dollar Paper Currency Note.
Two years later, Thomas Jefferson asserted that "we are under a bank bubble" that would soon burst. The Second Bank of the United States was supposed to steady the economy, but gross mismanagement in its early phase sapped its effectiveness. The bank's first president, William Jones, instead of taking steps to regulate the nation's currency, doled out huge loans that fed speculation and inflation. He also kept lax watch over state banks, where fraud and embezzlement created chaos.

The growth in trade that followed the War of 1812 came to an abrupt halt. Unemployment mounted, banks failed, mortgages were foreclosed, and agricultural prices fell by half. Investment in western lands collapsed.

By early 1819, credit, once so easy to obtain, was unavailable to most Americans.

The panic was frightening in its scope and impact. In New York State, property values fell from $315 million in 1818 to $256 million in 1820. In Richmond, property values fell by half. In Pennsylvania, land values plunged from $150 an acre in 1815 to $35 in 1819. In Philadelphia, 1,808 individuals were committed to debtors' prison. In Boston, the figure was 3,500.

For the first time in American history, the problem of urban poverty commanded public attention. In New York in 1819, the Society for the Prevention of Pauperism counted 8,000 paupers out of a population of 120,000. The next year, the figure climbed to 13,000. Fifty thousand people were unemployed or irregularly employed in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one foreign observer estimated that half a million people were jobless nationwide. To address the problem of destitution, newspapers appealed for old clothes and shoes for the poor, and churches and municipal governments distributed soup. Baltimore set up 12 soup kitchens in 1820 to feed the poor.

The downswing spread like a plague across the country. In Cincinnati, bankruptcy sales occurred almost daily. In Lexington, Kentucky, factories worth half a million dollars were idle. Matthew Carey, a Philadelphia economist, estimated that 3 million people, one-third of the nation's population, were adversely affected by the panic. In 1820, John C. Calhoun commented: "There has been within these two years an immense revolution of fortunes in every part of the Union; enormous numbers of persons utterly ruined; multitudes in deep distress."

The volatile Tennessee politician Davy Crockett spoke for many when he dismissed "the whole banking system" as nothing more than "a species of swindling on a large scale," which fostered mistrust of banks, bankers, and paper money.

The aging Thomas Jefferson complained that the new generation, "having nothing in them of the feelings or principles of 1776, now look to a single and splendid government of an aristocracy, founded on banking institutions, and money incorporations… riding and ruling over the plundered ploughman and beggared yeomanry."

The panic had several causes, including a dramatic decline in cotton prices, a contraction of credit by the Bank of the United States designed to curb inflation, an 1817 congressional order requiring hard-currency payments for land purchases, and the closing of many factories due to foreign competition.

The panic unleashed a storm of popular protest. Many debtors agitated for "stay laws" to provide relief from debts as well as the abolition of debtors' prisons. Manufacturing interests called for increased protection from foreign imports, but a growing number of southerners believed that high protective tariffs, which raised the cost of imported goods and reduced the flow of international trade, were the root of their troubles. Many people clamored for a reduction in the cost of government and pressed for sharp reductions in federal and state budgets. Others, particularly in the South and West, blamed the panic on the nation's banks and particularly the tight-money policies of the Bank of the United States. A congressional committee's proposal to terminate the nearly insolvent Bank of the United States had little backing — because 40 members of Congress held stock in the bank.

This mistrust of corporations was aggravated by landmark decisions handed down in 1819 by the Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall. In Dartmouth College v. Woodward, the Supreme Court protected private corporations against interference by the state governments that had created them. In McCullough v. Maryland, it ruled that the Bank of the United States, though privately run, was a creation of the federal government that could not be touched by the states.

These pro-capitalist court rulings aggravated class divisions, which escalated over the next decade. The 1820s saw the meteoric rise of Andrew Jackson, who defended working-class Americans against what he characterized as the oppression of a wealthy elite epitomized by the central bank.

The recession, which was blamed largely on bankers, was one of the economic forces that made many Americans look to Andrew Jackson as the savior of the working class.

By 1823 the panic was over. But it left a lasting imprint on American politics. The panic led to demands for the democratization of state constitutions, an end to restrictions on voting and office holding, and heightened hostility toward banks and other "privileged" corporations and monopolies. The panic also exacerbated tensions within the Republican Party and aggravated sectional tensions as northerners pressed for higher tariffs while southerners abandoned their support of nationalistic economic programs.

How the Automobile became King in Chicago.

Almost as soon as automobiles appeared on the streets of Chicago, people wondered whether driving induced insanity.

A Catholic priest on the South Side called it "auto madness." A Tribune headline asked: "Is the Automobile Mania a Form of Insanity?" And Mayor Carter Harrison Jr. remarked, "The natural tendency of a man operating an automobile is to run it at high speed."

Horseless carriages showed up in Chicago as early as 1892. The city hosted the nation's first auto race in 1895 — only two of the seven cars even made it to the finish line, with the winner puttering along at 5 mph. [1]
Just a handful of wealthy Chicagoans were driving automobiles around 1899 when the streets were filled with horse-drawn vehicles, streetcars, pedestrians, and bicycles.

Today, cars are the unchallenged kings of the road, but around the turn of the 20th century, the debate was how much these newfangled contraptions should use the roads. A bicycle-loving mayor threatened to crack down on the up-and-coming motorcar.

Chicago was one of the first big cities to pass laws regulating autos, setting the speed limit at 8-mph in 1899. If you wanted to drive, you had to go in front of the Board of Examiners of Operators of Automobiles. These three city officials decided whether you had sufficient "physical ability, mental qualifications, and the ability to understand the working parts of the mechanism." The same board could revoke your license if you showed "carelessness" or "intemperance" behind the wheel.
Built as the "Palace of Fine Arts" for the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition in Jackson Park. After the Fair was over, it housed the "Columbian Museum," with relics from the World's Fair, which evolved into the "Field Museum of Natural History." When the Field Museum moved to a new building closer to downtown in 1920, and the site sat vacant for over 10 years. The building was selected as the site for a new science museum. The "Museum of Science and Industry" opened in time for the 1933 Century of Progress World's Fair. Photograph circa 1905.
At first, the city did not put an age limit on drivers. Examiners were "astounded" in September 1900 when 13-year-old Janette Lindstrom applied for a license, and the bright North Sider aced the test and got her license. "Chicago has probably the youngest licensed automobile operator in the world," the Tribune observed. The story of Janette Lindstrom captured the interest of many early automobile owners in Chicago in 1900 when she won some auto races in Washington Park Race Track.[2]

As motorists drove across the city, they were confronted with a patchwork of jurisdictions. Chicago had three major park districts at the time, each covering a separate portion of the city, and each had its own automobile laws. In addition, the city's police monitored the traffic on other streets. One park board tried to ban autos from South Side parks and boulevards in 1899, but motorists drove through them anyway, ringing their gongs as they buzzed past the "sparrow cops," the nickname for the park district's patrolmen.

In 1900, North Siders began hearing "strangely weird and beautiful music" coming from the streets outside their homes in the middle of the night. A few motorists were holding "automatic midnight musical parties," going for rides with friends and playing music boxes as they sped down the empty streets, the Tribune reported.
A 12-Tune Cylinder Music Box, circa 1900.
A less charming noise was more common: the ringing of bells and gongs. A city ordinance required motorists to sound these alarms to warn pedestrians and other vehicles as they approached, but some drivers seemed to delight in scaring people.

"The other day on one of the North Side boulevards, I heard a toot that seemed right behind me," Mayor Harrison remarked in 1902. "I jumped about six feet and then looked around. The machine was fully a half-block away, and when it went past, all the occupants grinned as if it were a good joke. These fellows blow their horns just to see the people jump, I believe."

Chicagoans called automobiles "buzz wagons" and "devil wagons." Reckless drivers were "scorchers," a word that originally described speeding bicyclists in the 1890s. "Auto Scorchers are a Terror," the Tribune declared in 1902 — at a time when about 800 people in a city of 1.7 million had automobile licenses.

The mayor, an avid bicyclist, threatened to crack down on motorists. "There are several young fools, who have more money than brains, who are running these automobiles over the boulevards at express time speed, and they are going to get into trouble," Harrison said.

Automobilists said the criticism was unfair.

"We are treated like a lot of hoodlums," said Frank P. Illsley, a member of the elite Chicago Automobile Club. "We can't ride through the park, but one of the sparrow cops comes after us and waves his hand to tell us we should slow up. Ten years or more ago, everybody had it in for the bicycle riders. Now they are against the auto owners."
1903 Chicago Automobile ID Badge.

In those early years, the police didn't have any motor vehicles of their own to chase after speeding cars. And they had no easy way of identifying motorists or automobiles. In 1901, the city required motorists to wear metal badges displaying their license numbers. And then, a hit-and-run accident injured a park police officer in December 1902, spurring the City Council to require identification numbers on autos.

"You might as well insist that every man in Chicago should wear a number," complained Chicago Automobile Club President Charles Gray. "You wait until you catch a thief before you number him. You want to number us like convicts. When we do wrong, let the police catch us."

A motorist sued, saying he had a constitutional right to drive his car on the public streets, and in 1904 an Illinois appellate court said he was right.

Despite the ruling, the City Council approved a new ordinance spelling out more details on what it took to qualify for a license. You had to be at least 18, with "the free and full use of both arms and both hands." You had to have good hearing and eyesight and be free from epilepsy, heart disease, alcoholism, and drug addiction. "Applicants must be not of reckless disposition nor subject to fainting fits," the law noted.

The Chicago Automobile Club fought the law, and a judge blocked the city from arresting club members for driving without identification numbers on their vehicles. But in 1905, an appellate court threw out those injunctions, clearing the way for the city to enforce its laws.

By that time, motorists flocked to Sheridan Road, using the suburban thoroughfare for outings through the North Shore. Police in Evanston and Glencoe used stopwatches to figure out how fast they were going. Evanston police Officer Arthur Johnston fired a revolver at one speeding car, puncturing a tire. "Those people were lawbreakers, and Johnston had a perfect right to do what he did," Evanston police Chief Alfred Frost said.

After Glencoe installed a speed bump on Sheridan, about 100 people gathered and cheered as cars were jolted by the unexpected obstacle. One chauffeur was thrown out of a car as it hit the hurdle. "There's nothing too bad for these pirates up here," fumed the auto's owner, George Rust of Highland Park.

The confusion over the multiple jurisdictions started to clear up in 1907 when Illinois began registering autos and issuing statewide license plates. Chicago continued requiring its own city license until the Illinois Supreme Court stopped the practice seven years later.
1907 Illinois License Plate.
Chicago's first "auto court" began hearing cases on June 5, 1912. Municipal Judge Hugh Stewart predicted that tough enforcement would bring a swift end to dangerous driving. "There will be no automobile or motorcycle speeding in Chicago at the end of 30 days," he said. "There have been too many deaths in Chicago lately from cases of this kind, and we are determined to put a stop to such disregard for life."

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.


[1] It wasn't long after the 1895 Jackson Park to Evanston motor race that automobile dealers began appearing on the Chicago scene. Until the first few years of the 1900s, most were also manufacturers who sold the cars they built in their own garages.

By 1902, when 1,500 Ramblers and 2,500 Oldsmobiles sold nationwide, dealers had begun springing up to sell cars made by the first major manufacturers. Believed to be the first car dealer; Hagmann & Hammerly Locomobile dealership at 931 Van Buren St., Chicago, existed before 1905, and today, would be considered a Car Broker.


[2] Miss Janette Lindstrom was the daughter of Swedish-born Charles Lindstrom, a trained engineer, and his wife Augusta, who came to Chicago in 1894 in a quest to get involved in the automotive industry. Here he met and formed a partnership with John Hewitt, and they created the Hewitt-Lindstrom Company (1900-1901), located at 347 N. Wabash, to produce a Stanhope style electric vehicle. Prior to the 1900s, almost all automobiles were electric, often with two motors, one for the front wheels and one for the back wheels.

Early in 1900, Charles taught his 13-year-old daughter Janette how to drive. He took her to get her driver's license. It was the first year the City of Chicago had examinations to procure a driver's license. The test was administered by E.R. Ellicott, a Chicago electrician who was a written exam with no on-the-road test.

She passed with flying colors, and Ellicott noted that her father had personally taught Janette to drive and that she already had three months of driving experience.

On Friday, September 21, 1900, Janette participated in the Inter Ocean International Automobile Exhibit and Races at Washington Park Race Track. Miss Janette Lindstrom beat Miss M.A. Ryan in the Ladies' two-mile race for private owners and operators; Janette wins the gold medal in 7:12 minutes, an average of 16.85 miles per hour.
A Hewitt-Lindstrom Company Style Automobile Used by Janette Lindstrom.
Miss Ryan claims that the firm to whom she left the order of recharging the batteries did not fill them to their capacity. Consequently, Miss Ryan has challenged Miss Lindstrom for another race set for Saturday the 22nd.
CLICK AD FOR A FULL-SIZE VIEW
Inter Ocean Newspaper Ad - Extra Races, Saturday, September 22, 1900.
Miss Lindstrom has accepted. Management declared that in running the race over again, any other woman with an electric automobile must be admitted.


In the special Ladies' 2-mile rematch race on Saturday, Miss Janette came in 2nd place, with Miss Ryan winning 1st place in 6 minutes and 43 seconds, an average of 18.66 miles per hour. She was driving a Hewitt-Lindstrom vehicle too.

Last but not least, the Five-Mile ladies 'free for all (any type of vehicle) race was won by Janette Lindstrom, wearing a straw hat with flowers, with a time of 12 minutes and 42 seconds, an average of 23.62 miles per hour.

NOTE: Janette's name is misspelled online as Jeannette or Jeanette. The auto race dates are also incorrect online showing 1901 as the year.

Wednesday, June 10, 2020

The Beginning of Chicago's Horse Railways.

THE CHICAGO CITY RAILWAY COMPANY 
The first ordinance regarding horse-railways was passed March 4, 1856, and granted to Roswell B. Mason and Charles B. Phillips the privilege of laying a track or tracks from the corner of State and Randolph Streets, down State to the southern city limits at Twelfth Street, and from the corner of Dearborn Street and Kinzie, and the corner of Kinzie and Franklin Streets, to the northern city limits at North Avenue. There were various connecting sections. The principal one is the line extending from the corner of State Street and Archer Avenue, down Archer to Twelfth Street.

Colonel Mason was at this time actively engaged in the construction of the Illinois Central Railroad and therefore left the prosecution of the horse-railway enterprise principally to Mr. Phillips. A short section of track was laid on the North Side as legal compliance with the ordinance. The Panic of 1857, and the preceding and succeeding instability of business, made this first “enterprise" a very dead one indeed. Colonel Mason sold out his interest, for a nominal sum, to his associate, Mr. Phillips, who afterward unavailingly sought to establish the validity of a title by legal proceedings.

Matters lay dormant until August 16, 1858, when the Common Council passed an ordinance granting permission to Henry Fuller, Franklin Parmelee, and Liberty Bigelow to lay tracks on State Street and Cottage Grove Avenue, on Archer Avenue and on Madison Street, to the city limits. It was required that the construction of one of these lines should be commenced on or before November 1, 1858; that the State Street line should be completed to Ringgold Place (Twenty-second Street; now Cermak Road), by October 15, 1859; the Madison Street line by October 15, 1860; and the Cottage Grove Avenue line by January 1, 1861. The ground was broken for the State Street line on November 1, 1858, in front of Garrett Block near Randolph Street. As a portion of the appropriate ceremonies which there took place, Henry Fuller wielded the spade, and ex-Governor Bross drove the first spike. A section of track was first laid between Randolph and Madison Streets, and two cars that had been brought from Troy, N.Y., were placed on this brief initial line and run back and forth, greatly to the amusement of the people. There were not lacking, however, property owners on State Street, who did not join in this good-natured greeting, but were preparing to fight the enterprise. Its projectors obtained from the Legislature a confirmation of their rights by an act, approved February 14, 1859, which incorporated Franklin Parmelee, Liberty Bigelow, Henry Fuller, and David A. Gage, in the order named, as the “Chicago City Railway Company,” for a term of twenty-five years, to operate street lines “within the present or future limits of the South and West divisions.” 

Section 8 of this act recited that “Nothing herein contained shall authorize the construction of more than a single track with the necessary turnouts, which shall only be at street crossings upon State Street between Madison and Twelfth Streets, by the consent of the owners of two-thirds of the property, in lineal measurement, lying upon said State Street between Madison and Twelfth.” State Street to Twelfth beyond which the city limits had but recently been moved southward—was then a busy thoroughfare in the transformation from residence to business property, and the feeling of opposition to the railway, among many property owners, was such that their consent had to be bought on private terms. Harmony is restored, the line was opened to Twelfth Street on April 25, 1859. State Street was then paved with Chicago Street Paver Bricks to Twelfth, and beyond was a Plank Road to the Cottage Grove suburb, better known as Camp Douglas and the scene of stirring war incidents. The entire line, from Randolph Street south, as first laid, was a single track, with turnouts at street crossings.
CLICK TO VIEW THE MAP IN FULL-SIZE
This map shows the lines of road given to horse railway companies within the city limits. The dotted lines are section divisions. The whole plat of the city is shown from east to west. Half a section is cut off from both the north and south ends of the city. June of 1856.
Of the projectors of this second and successful street railway enterprise, Messrs. Parmelee, Bigelow, and Gage constituted the firm of F. Parmelee & Co., owning street omnibuses and depot transfer wagons, and Mr. Fuller was a large owner of real estate. Street travel in Chicago was then a thing of frustration to man and weariness for animals. 

Even a brick-paved street like State Street had little to boast of, and the most aristocratic plank road was too often a delusion and a snare. Street railways were thus already a public necessity and were certain to become more and more so. It is a reminder of those days, however, and has been true of many an enterprise of greater moment, that stock subscriptions to the Chicago City Railway Company did not open with a rush in 1859, and as human nature repeats itself so that peoples rights to stock subscription were claimed by some who had at first refused to buy in.

On the 25th of April, 1859, as stated, cars were running along State Street to Twelfth Street and in June to the city limits. By May 1, a single track had been completed from Madison to Twenty-second Street (Cermak Street), on State, and two horse cars were run every twelve minutes. In the summer, the track was extended, from Twenty-second Street and Cottage Grove Avenue to Thirty-first Street, and, by fall, cars were running every six minutes as far as Twenty-second Street. A state fair was to be held at Cottage Grove in the autumn of 1859, and in order to be ready for it, the company spiked down the rails on the planking as it lay.

An ordinance of the City Council, passed May 23, 1859, specified additional Streets on which lines might be laid in the West and South divisions, on Lake, Randolph, and Van Buren Streets, in the South and West, and on Milwaukee and Blue Island Avenues in the West. This ordinance prescribed the time when each of these lines should be commenced and opened. Still, as Clark Street was then occupied by the Michigan Southern Railroad below Harrison Street, and property owners were themselves fighting for a thoroughfare, it was agreed that the street railway company should defer action, to Clark Street, for ten years. In pursuance of that purpose, an ordinance of the Council, February 13, 1860, extended the rights of the company in that thoroughfare to cover the proposed period of delay. The Madison Street line, built under the original charter, was opened to Halsted Street on May 20, 1859, and reached Robey Street (Damen Avenue) on August 8 of the same year. The Randolph Street line began to come into use on July 15, 1859. Meanwhile, the State Street line was not neglected.

In 1861, the financial medium was first vitiated. The daily varying quotations of “stump tail " made its possessors often glad to be rid of it on any terms. The city railway company was, of necessity, made the recipient of much of this poor paper. Up to this time, the company had not issued “punch tickets” for fares, and so long as silver change held out, it had not thought of doing so. When, however, silver disappeared, and recourse was had to postage stamps as the readiest expedient, the Chicago City Railroad Company may be said to have come to the rescue of the people. 

Their earliest issue of tickets hastily flung from a job press and as hastily stamped were hailed as a public boon. An uncancelled twelve-ride ticket was good in the city or vicinity and unquestioned for its face value of 50¢ ($14.50 today or $1.21 per fare)
It would pass in almost any transaction, indeed, anywhere in preference to a greasy little envelope of postage stamps that were certain to be damaged if they were not short in the count. It is even related that church contributions brought in no small store of them. Though redeemable only in rides, so much were they in demand as a circulating medium that they were counterfeited, and it is a tradition that known counterfeits have been unhesitatingly accepted in trade. This issue of what may be called “the emergency tickets of 1861" amounted to about $150,000 ($4,324,850 today). Because of counterfeits they were, as soon as possible, called in for redemption for other tickets of more elaborate preparation. 

The second issue was readily divisible into denominations of twenty-five, fifteen and ten cents to the greater convenience of the people. Until the postal currency of the United States came into circulation in the summer of 1862, the issues of the Chicago City Railway were the most acceptable small change Chicago had or could furnish. Long after their use as currency had ceased, Mr. Fuller, the treasurer, continued to receive these tickets by letter from distant points. Many have doubtless been retained as souvenirs of an eventful time.

In 1863, a comprehensive scheme was carried through the Legislature, under the title of the “Wabash Railway Company,” which gave to the incorporators— Thomas Harless, Horace A. Hurlbut, and Charles Hitchcock, and to their associates, etc.—the right to occupy Wabash Avenue and Michigan Boulevard, and other principal streets in all directions from the center, and to extend their lines into indefinite suburbs. The act passed the Senate on January 22. Being reported by a senator from southern Illinois and was read only by its title, it went through under a misapprehension. The Legislature took a recess from February 14 to June 2, and upon its reassembling, the fact for the first time dawned upon Chicago that a vast franchise was hidden under a misleading title. The bill passed the House on June 8, and not until then were its provisions publicly known. It was at a time of intense excitement, in a critical period of the war, and the Legislature was not in harmony with the administration on war measures. On Wednesday, June 10, Governor Yates prorogued the two houses, and the incident was perhaps the most exciting ever known in the legislative history of the State. The Tribune of June 11 said:
“We were to have seen a peace commission instituted, peace measures set on foot, and a deep and deadly stab inflicted upon the loyal history of our State. But huge above all, the roc's egg of this whole affair, looms up the Wabash Horse Railroad swindle.”
A public meeting in Metropolitan Hall on the evening of June 11 endorsed the Governor's action and denounced the Wabash bill. The Common Council, by resolution, requested the Governor to veto it. The veto, dated June 19, says:
“The fact that over three months intervened between its passage in the Senate and in the House, and that during this long interval, the citizens of Chicago were not even apprised of its existence, is evidence that those having control of it were unwilling to have it submitted to the test of public scrutiny."
The Chicago City Railway Company continued to extend its line in the South Division. During the month of October 1864, a branch track was laid upon Archer Road from State Street to Stewart Avenue and completed to Bridgeport during the ensuing year. At the end of 1869, the company was operating seventeen and one-quarter miles of track.

In the early part of 1871, the running timetable was as follows: “Cars leave corner State and Randolph Streets, via State, to Twenty-second Street, every minute, and to Cottage Grove Avenue and Douglas Place (35th Street) every four minutes; leave southern limits every four minutes for Twenty-second, Twenty-second every minute, and Archer Road every eight minutes for the corner of State and Randolph Streets.” 
Indiana Street Horse Car, circa 1880.
THE NORTH CHICAGO STREET RAILROAD COMPANY
The same act of the Legislature of February 14, 1859, which incorporated the Chicago City Railway Company, conferred like immunities and privileges upon William B. Ogden, John B. Turner, Charles V. Dyer, James H. Rees, and Voluntine C. Turner, by the name of the North Chicago Street Railroad Company, for the North Division of the city of Chicago.
  1. On Clark Street, from North Water Street to Green Bay Road, and then to present and future city limits.
  2. From Clark Street west, on Division, to Clybourn Avenue, and thence on Clybourn Avenue to city limits. 
  3. From Clark Street east, on Michigan, to Rush, thence north on Rush to Chicago Avenue. 
  4. Commencing on Wells Street at North Water, thence north to Division Street, west to Sedgwick and north on Sedgwick to Green Bay Road (Clark Street).
  5. West on Chicago Avenue, from Rush Street to the North Branch of the Chicago River.
At this time, Clark Street was planked, and the first railway was laid, by spiking the rails to the planks, an additional thickness of plank being placed in the horse path. The track was laid double to Division Street; beyond that, a single track to Fullerton Avenue. Eaton, Gilbert & Co., of Troy, N. Y., furnished the first Car.
The North Chicago Street Railway Company, Car № 8, built in 1859.
The Clark Street line to city limits, the Clybourn Avenue, and the Chicago Avenue lines were completed in 1859, the Sedgwick Street line in 1861, and a line to Graceland, with a steam dummy, in 1864. The Michigan Boulevard and Rush Street lines were never built, and the rights thereon were forfeited.
A North Chicago Street Railway two-horse streetcar traveling along Fullerton Avenue to its destination at Fullerton/Halsted.
In 1864, the company was authorized to connect its tracks with those of the Chicago City Railway, thereby making continuous lines of horse railway between the different divisions of the city. 

The same year, also, permission was granted to lay a single or double track on Larrabee Street, from Chicago Avenue to Little Fort Road (Lincoln Avenue) and on Little Fort Road to present or future city limits. This branch was completed the same year. The lines were gradually extended on the streets and in the directions specified until, in 1871, the company was operating about twelve miles of road.

By the time of the Great Chicago Fire, the company lost $350,000 ($7,569,300 today), their stables, rolling stock and tracks being entirely consumed. Their vigorous and energetic recovery from the great disaster and the complete rehabilitation of their system will be recounted in the third volume of this history.
VOLUNTINE C. TURNER, president of the North Division Horse Railway Company, was born in Malta, Saratoga Co., N.Y., February 25, 1823. Previous to preparing for college, he received a good primary education, and also was employed by his father, while engaged upon the construction of the Erie Railroad and the Genesee Valley Canal. Young Turner prepared for college at the Troy and Oxford academies, New York, graduating at Williams College, Williamstown, Mass., in the year 1840. In the fall, he moved to Chicago and soon afterward commenced the practice of law, which he continued for a period of twelve years. From 1848 to 1858, he was in partnership with A. Clarke, and from that year until 1860, with the exception of a short time, during which he was in partnership with B. F. Ayer, Mr. Turner engaged alone in the general practice of his profession. In February 1859, he first became connected with the North Side Railway Company, as its secretary and treasurer, continuing thus to act until July. 1865. From that date until January 1867, he was vice-president of the company and has been president from that time up to date. During all this period, he has been general manager of the road—in fact, is its active and untiring superintendent, and confining himself to the upbuilding of its interests. He has never held a public office, and never aspired to one. Mr. Turner was married to Eliza Smith, daughter of Colonel Henry Smith, the old partner of William B. Ogden, on the 20th of May, 1851. For twenty-five years they were prominent members of the St. James (Episcopal) Church. At present, however, they are members of Professor Swing's congregation.
THE CHICAGO WEST DIVISION RAILWAY COMPANY
On the 21st of February, 1861, the Legislature of Illinois enacted, that Edward P. Ward, William K. McAllister, Samuel B. Walker, James L. Wilson, Charles B. Brown, Nathaniel P. Wilder, and their successors, be created and constituted a body corporate and politic, by the name of “The Chicago West Division Railway Company,” for the term of twenty-five years.
A Chicago West Division Railway Brass Horse Car Bell.
It's marked C W DIV RY on the outside edge and
still retains some of its original green paint.
This company was authorized to acquire any of the powers, franchises, privileges, or immunities conferred upon the Chicago City Railway Company by the act of February 14, 1859, as may by contract between the said railway corporations be agreed upon. Nothing seems to have been done by this company, under their charter, until the summer of 1863. At that time, the gentlemen composing the company sold out their stock to J. Russell Jones, John C. Haines, Jerome Beecher, W. H. Bradley, Parnell Munson, and William H. Ovington of Chicago, and E. B. Washburne, Nathan Corwith, and Benjamin Campbell, of Galena. The new company was organized with J. Russell Jones as president and superintendent and William H. Ovington as secretary and treasurer.

On the 30th of July, 1863, a sale was made to this company by the Chicago City Railway, of their road and franchises in the West Division, for the sum of $200,000 ($4,209,500 today), cash. The deed of transfer was dated the 1st of August, 1863, and had a border of United States revenue stamps amounting to $580.

The tracks laid at that time were on Randolph and Madison Streets, extending to Union Park.

The new company entered vigorously upon the work of extending the lines. A track was laid upon Blue Island Avenue, and cars were running to Twelfth Street by December 22, 1863. In June 1864, the Milwaukee line was opened, and in October, the Clinton and Jefferson Street lines. 
Chicago City Railway Company Two-Horse Car № 3 on Milwaukee Avenue.
Year after year, the lines were extended until, in 1871, the company owned and operated over twenty miles of track. By the charters of February 14, 1859, and February 21, 1861, passed by the Legislature, incorporating the foregoing horse railway companies, the franchises and privileges were granted for a term of twenty-five years. On the 6th of February, 1865, the legislature passed, over the Governor's veto, an act amending the charters with respect to time and granting terms of ninety-nine years instead of twenty-five.
J. Russell Jones, president of the Chicago West Division Railway Company, is descended from an old and noted English family. Colonel John Jones, one of his ancestors, married the second sister of Oliver Cromwell, in 1623, and was put to death October 17, 1660, upon the restoration of Charles the II. The son, Honorable William Jones, came to this country with his father-in-law, Honorable Theophilus Eaton, first Governor of the colony of New Haven and Connecticut. Mr. Jones acted as deputy governor for years and died on October 17, 1706. Samuel, the grandfather of J. Russell Jones, was an officer under George II., and served with credit in the French and Indian and the Revolutionary wars. His parents were Joel and Maria (Dart) Jones, J. Russell being the youngest of four children. He was born at Conneaut, Ashtabula Co., Ohio, February 17, 1823. When he was thirteen years of age, his mother, who had been left a widow, moved to Rockton, Winnebago Co., Ill. The young boy was left at home to support himself, and when, in 1838, he announced his determination to join the family in the Far West, he had so established himself in the confidence and love of the community, that the members of the Conneaut Presbyterian Church offered to educate him for the ministry if he would remain with them. But even at this early age, to determine was to act, and he accordingly took passage for Illinois, in the schooner “J. G. King,” and arrived at Chicago August 19, 1838.
After some difficulty, he reached his new home in Winnebago County, where he faithfully assisted his family for about two years. In June 1840, with one dollar in his pocket, but with a hardy constitution and an iron will, he moved to Galena. First going into a retail store, he soon after went into the employ of Benjamin H. Campbell, a leading merchant of that flourishing town, and subsequently became a partner in the firm. Until 1856, the business transacted was on a scale commensurate with the importance of Galena as the leading commercial emporium of the Northwest. The partnership was then dissolved. Ten years previous to this date, Mr. Jones had been appointed secretary and treasurer of the Galena and Minnesota Packet Company, which position he retained until 1861. In 1860, he was elected to represent Jo Daviess and Carroll counties in the Twenty-second General Assembly, and the next year was appointed United States Marshal for the Northern District of Illinois, commencing his term of service in April.
In the fall of that year, he moved to Chicago, and, in 1863, organized and was elected president of the Chicago West Division Railway Company, retaining that position until June 1869, when he was appointed minister to Belgium by President Grant. He was also re-appointed United States Marshal in 1865. Upon his return from abroad, in 1875, he has tendered the position of Secretary of the Interior, but declined and was appointed Collector of the Port of Chicago, and was again elected president of the Railway Company, which position he now holds. Mr. Jones was married, in 18 48, to Elizabeth Ann, daughter of the late Judge Andrew Scott, of Arkansas. They have had three sons and three daughters.
ADDITIONAL READING: Plank Road History in the Chicago Area.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.