Thursday, July 5, 2018

The History of Illinois' Fort St. Louis du Rocher (aka: Rock Fort) on Starved Rock.

During the winter of 1682 and 1683, men working under the direction of Jacques Bourdon d'Autray, a trusted member of explorer René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle (Sieur de La Salle is a title only) inner circle, began construction of Fort Saint Louis du Rocher (Fort St. Louis) at today's Starved Rock State Park on the Illinois River [1]. The Illinois tribe called it "Ahseni" - the French called it "du Rocher" which means "The Rock."
The Starved Rock State Park location of Fort Saint Louis du Rocher on the Illinois River.
A wooden palisade was the only form of defense that La Salle used in securing the site. Inside the fort were a few wooden houses and native shelters.
A wooden palisade frontier fort fence.
The French intended Fort Saint Louis du Rocher to be the first of several forts to defend against English incursions and keep their settlements confined to eastern America and protected entry to France's claim of the Mississippi Valley (the Indians called the Mississippi River, "Sinnissippi," meaning "rocky waters") through the Illinois Country. The fort protected La Salle's men from attack—namely from the Iroquois Indians—enemies of the French and local tribes.

In March of 1683, the fort was completed, named Fort Saint Louis de Rocher, built on the butte (an isolated hill with steep sides and a flat top -- similar to but narrower than a mesa) which provided an advantageous position for the fort above the Illinois River.

Accompanying the French to the region were allied members of several Indian tribes from eastern areas, who integrated with the Kaskaskia were the Miami, Shawnee, and Mahican. The tribes established a new settlement across the river from the base of the butte. The French called the village both the Grand Village du Kaskaskia and La Vantum ("the washed"), also known as the Grand Village and the Old Kaskaskia Village which was near present Utica, Illinois.

René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle
The fort was at the center of what history calls "La Salle's Colony," a place where trade was conducted between La Salle's agents and the estimated 20,000 Native Americans who lived in the Starved Rock region. The fort was diplomatic headquarters for relations between the Indians of the Colony and the French.

Joseph-Antoine le Fèbvre, Sieur de La Barre, the Governor-General of New France (Canada), gave authority to Louis-Henri de Baugy, Chevalier de Baugy to take control of Fort St. Louis du Rocher on the Illinois River from Henri de Tonti in 1683. In February of 1684, the fort was besieged by a force of some 500 Iroquois for eight days. Despite limited ammunition and provisions, the defenders withstood three assaults, and the Iroquois were forced to abandon their attacks and withdraw the way they had come. In 1685, La Salle was given back control of Fort St. Louis du Rocher by the French King Louis XIV. Henri de Tonti erected Fort Miami on Buffalo Rock.

For the next eight years, command at the fort changed hands between La Salle, Henri de Tonti, Henri-Louis Baugy, and then back to Tonti. After La Salle's five-year monopoly ended, Governor Joseph-Antoine de La Barre wished to obtain Fort Saint Louis du Rocher along with Fort Frontenac for himself. By orders of the governor, traders and his officers were escorted to Illinois.

By 1689, inter-tribal bickering caused the non-Illinois tribes to leave the Starved Rock region and return to their former homes in today's Indiana, Lower Michigan, and elsewhere. With the natural resources dwindling, the nutrients in the soil sapped by years of successive farming, and with concerns of another bout with the Iroquois, the Illinois sub-tribes who lived at the Kaskaskia Reservation, located about a mile upstream and on the opposite side of the Illinois River, abandoned their camps and relocated to Lake Peoria.

Without customers left to support trade efforts on Starved Rock, the French abandoned Fort Saint Louis du Rocher and built a new fort near the new Illinois camps by Peoria. During the French and Indian Wars, the French used the fort as a refuge against attacks by Iroquois, who were allied with the British. The Iroquois forced the settlers, then commanded by Henri de Tonti, to abandon the fort in 1691.

Henri de Tonti reorganized the settlers at Fort Pimiteoui in modern-day Peoria. (Fort de Crévecoeur was also known variously as Fort Saint Louis II, Fort Saint Louis du Pimiteoui, Fort Pimiteoui, and Old Fort Peoria (Pimiteoui, was the name of what is today's Peoria Lake.) 

1691 marks the end of the French occupation of the fort on the Rock and colonization efforts in the Upper Illinois River. French troops commanded by Pierre Deliette may have occupied Fort Saint Louis du Rocher from 1714 to 1718; Deliette's jurisdiction over the region ended when the territory was transferred from Canada to Louisiana. Fur trappers and traders used the fort periodically in the early 18th century until it became too dilapidated. No surface remains of the fort are found at the site today.

Fort St. Louis du Rocher Burned and Colony Broken Up.
So long as the fur trade was conducted by Henri de Tonti and La Frost, the Indians were well pleased with their manner of doing business, but when it came under the supervision of the Governor of Canada, a new order of things was introduced, which caused much dissatisfaction. The governor appointed unscrupulous agents to conduct the trade, who swindled the Indians by selling them worthless articles, such as counterfeit jewelry, knives, and tomahawks, etc., made of pot-metal. These traders paid the government a certain duty on all pelts shipped to Canada, and no one was allowed to trade with the Indians unless authorized to do so by the governor. The duty consisted of a certain number of skins out of each cargo, which the traders compelled the Indians to furnish, otherwise, their value was deducted on making payment. The Indians being imposed upon by these swindlers, an unfriendly feeling sprung up between them.

There were other causes of ill feelings between the French and Indians, among which was the marriage relation. A Frenchman having married a young squaw would put her away as soon as he found another one more attractive, thus changing his wife at will according to his fancy. Although the priests would not tolerate bigamy among their Countrymen, yet they were willing to accept a marriage fee once a month, twice a week, or as often as the applicant desired a new wife. The young squaws were fond of wampum (beads), rings, and other trinkets, with which they would adorn their persons, and the one giving them the most presents they were willing to marry. It was the height of their ambition to marry a white man, notwithstanding they were liable to be put away at any time if their lord found one more attractive than themselves.

Under the Indian code of morals, a squaw, if found unchaste, was punished by cutting off one ear or branded on the forehead, but there was no law to prevent them from marrying every day in the week, or as often as an opportunity occurred.

Captain La Mott was now in command of the fort, and being a man fond of pleasure, and devoid of conscientious scruples, converted it into a regular harem, in open violation of both the French and Indian code of morals. Young Indian maidens were in the habit of spending their nights at the fort, under the pretext of being married to soldiers, returning home in the morning with their heads adorned with worthless trinkets, and their minds poisoned by vile associations. The squaws became so fascinated with the French that many refused to marry among their own people, and had come to the conclusion that their children were not worth raising unless they had French blood in their veins. Things had come to such a state in their social relations, that the head chief, Jero, called a council of chiefs and warriors, and at which it was agreed to expel the
French from among them.

On a warm morning in the latter part of the summer of 1718, while most of the occupants of Fort St. Louis, after a night of revelry and debauchery, were still asleep in their bunks, when suddenly aroused by the presence of the avengers. Captain La Mott, awakening from his morning nap, was astonished on being confronted by about three hundred warriors, armed and painted as for war. The Captain inquired the object of their visit, when Jero, the head chief, informed him that they were here to destroy the fort. The chief ordered the warriors to fire the buildings, and in a few moments the block-home, store-house, and dwellings were in flames, all of which were burned to the ground. Thus Fort St. Louis was destroyed, after standing thirty-six years and being the head-center of the French settlement in Illinois.

On the destruction of the fort the colony was broken up; some of the traders returned to Canada, others to the French settlement at Cahokia, but the greater portion to Peoria Lake, where a colony had been established seven years before.

Relics of Fort St. Louis
In the summer of 1805, a party at Kaskaskia, learning from the tradition that a large amount of gold had been buried within the stockades of Fort St. Louis, went in search of it. At that time the location of Fort St. Louis was unknown. History and tradition alike failed to point it out, but they knew it was on a rock washed by the rapid current of the Illinois River, and a short distance above the great bend in the river. On Buffalo Rock, they found as they supposed relics of the fort, and here they spent a number of days in searching for the hidden treasure. But finding nothing, they returned home and published an account of their expedition in the newspapers of that day. In this account, they describe the remains of the fort on a large rock, located on the north side of the river, and from that time forward it was conceded that Fort St. Louis was built on Buffalo Rock.

It has already been shown that Buffalo Rock did not answer the description of the place spoken of in history, but the natural advantages between these two rocks for a fortification, could not escape the observation of a man with La Salle's shrewdness. Buffalo Ruck contains on its summit several hundred acres of land, is only about sixty feet high, and accessible at various points, consequently, it would require a large force to hold a fort thus located. Whereas, Starved Rock is one hundred and thirty-six feet high, contains on its summit less than one acre, can only be reached at one point, which makes it a natural fortress, were but little labor would be required to make it impregnable so that a few soldiers could hold it against all the savages[2] of the west.

Immediately south of Starved Rock, and about one hundred and fifty yards distant, is a high cliff of rocks, isolated from the neighboring cliffs, and known as Devil's Nose. Eastward, across a chasm two hundred and fifty yards in width, and covered with a thick growth of timber, is another rocky cliff of equal height. This cliff rises almost perpendicularly from the water's edge, connecting with the main bluff, and from an old Indian legend is called Maiden's Leap. These two cliffs are almost as high as Starved Rock, and if occupied by the assailants would be within gunshot of the fort. Therefore, it became necessary to protect the aides next to them with earthworks and palisades. The earthworks on the sides next to these cliffs, enclosing almost two-thirds of the circumference of the rock, are still to be seen, leaving that next to the river without any protection whatever, as none were here needed. These works commence at the western angle, following the margin of the rock (which is of a circular form) to the extreme east, leaving an open gateway on the south, where the path ascends the rock and is one hundred and twenty-two yards in length. On the south side of the rock and all along the earthworks, which are now covered with small trees and stunted evergreens, are many pit-holes, two of which are very large. It is quite probable that one of these was the magazine of the garrison and the other a cellar of the store-house. The smaller pit-holes, which are seen here and there among the bushes, according to tradition, were dug forty-seven years after Fort St. Louie was destroyed, and under the following circumstances:

When the Governor of Canada took possession of Fort St. Louis, all the goods and furs belonging to the traders were confiscated to the government and the report says divided between the governor and his friends. Tonti, having at the time, in his possession a large amount of gold, dug a hole within the stockades and buried it to prevent its falling into the hands of the governor. Sixteen years afterward, as Tonti was about breathing his last, he told a priest who was holding a gold crucifix before his face, about the gold being buried within the fort. The priest kept the matter a secret, waiting for an opportunity to resurrect the gold, but soon after he was drowned in the river by the upsetting of a canoe. The fort was also burned and the French drove away, as previously stated.

In the summer of 1765, forty-seven years after Fort St. Louis was abandoned, a party of French at Peoria, among whom were Captain De Fond and Father Buche, believing the story about gold being buried in the fort, came up the river in search of it. They encamped at the base of Starved Rock and spent many days digging on its summit. No gold was found, but in a vault near where the store-house had stood, they found a large number of articles designed for the Indian trade, consisting of tomahawks, knives, beads, guns, and other articles. The digging for gold on Starved Rock accounts for the many pit-holes now to be seen.

This account of searching for gold is given in Father Buche's manuscript, now in possession of Hypolite Pilette, and from which many extracts are taken; Said he, "We had spent five days in digging pit-holes on the summit of Fort St. Louis du Rocher and found a large number of articles which were intended for the Indian trade, but the precious metal ‒ the object of our search ‒ we found none. On the last day of our stay, we dug a hole close to the old earthwork and continued working until it was quite dark when the devil appeared to us in the form of a huge bear. On seeing this monster we dropped our tools and hurried down from the rock, put our camp kit in the canoe, and started down the Illinois River." 

This story of gold being buried within the stockades of Fort St. Louis is also among the Indian traditions, and some years ago a party of Potawatomi from Western Kansas came here to search for it. People told them that Fort St. Louis was built on Buffalo Rock, and on it they dug a number of pit-holes but finding nothing they returned to their homes.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 


How Did "Starved Rock" Get Its Name?
The region was periodically occupied by a variety of native tribes who were forced westward by the expansion of European settlements and the Beaver Wars[3].
Map of Iroquois tribe's territorial conquests by region and year during the Beaver Wars.
There are various local legends about how Starved Rock got its name. This is only one of the stories. The Starved Rock Massacre of 1769 - Fact or Fiction is a research article analyzing whether this massacre actually occurred.

The legend of Starved Rock is a story of an Indian war. At today's Starved Rock area, on the northern shore of the Illinois River, lived a small tribe of the Illinois tribe. In the literature of French and English fur traders, and the stories told by other Indians, the Illinois tribe was known as "the Illinois of the Rock." They lived quietly, farming their gardens, hunting deer, otter, muskrat, and beaver. The French called the village across the river from Fort Saint Louis du Rocher two names; the Grand Village du Kaskaskia and La Vantum ("the washed"), also known as the Old Kaskaskia Village which was near present Utica, Illinois. A few times a year they traded their furs with the French voyageurs who made regular trips up and down the Illinois River.

In the 1760s the Illinois Indians fought the fierce Iroquois who came from the east coast. Later the Mesquakie (Fox), Sac (Sauk), Potawatomi, Kickapoo, and Ottawa Indians from the north and east joined with the Iroquois. The wars were generally short and very dangerous because the Iroquois always involved surprise attacks on peaceful, unsuspecting Indian villages.

Lone Indian warriors who crossed the river to hunt small game in the canyons were attacked and killed before they even had a chance to scream out. Women tending the cornfields, unmindful of lurking danger, were hacked to death. When the marauders were discovered, pandemonium reigned in their village. Some of the villagers ran to hiding places in the nearby woods or the canyons across the river. The warriors grabbed their weapons and went out to confront the enemy. War cries and death chants intermingled as the battle was fought. It ended only when the attackers were dead, injured or they could not continue to fight, or, they would run.
Chief Pontiac
Pontiac or Obwandiyag was an Odawa (Ottawa) war chief who was murdered on April 20, 1769, near the French town of Cahokia. Most accounts place his murder in Cahokia, but historian Gregory Dowd wrote that the killing probably happened in a nearby Indian village. The murderer was a Peoria warrior whose name has not been preserved. He was apparently avenging his uncle, a Peoria chief named Makachinga (Black Dog) whom Pontiac had stabbed and badly wounded in 1766. A Peoria tribal council authorized Pontiac's execution. The Peoria warrior came behind Pontiac, stunned him by clubbing him, and stabbed him to death.

Various rumors quickly spread about the circumstances of Pontiac's death, including one that the British had hired his killer. According to a story recorded by historian Francis Parkman in The Conspiracy of Pontiac (1851), a terrible war of retaliation against the Peoria Indians resulted from Pontiac's murder. This legend is still sometimes repeated, but there is no evidence that there were any Indian reprisals for Pontiac's murder.

The Ottawa tribe was unable to avenge his death. One of his allied tribes, the Potawatomi did, however, set out on the warpath against the Illini in the fall of the same year. The Potawatomi did not know that the Illinois of the Rock was innocent of the murder when they fell upon the little village. The Ottawa were busily gathering its yearly harvest. Unable to defend themselves when the hostile forces swept down upon them from the paths along the northern bluffs, the 
Illini waded across the low waters of the Illinois river and sought refuge on top of the rock.

The Potawatomi followed them and tried to scale the steep walls of the rock but were always repulsed. Unable to conquer the 
Illini by storming the heights, the besiegers camped at the foot of the rock, determined to wait until the Illini would be forced to come down.

Before long the food supply of the 
Illini gave out, and their water supply too, for the Potawatomi were careful to cut the ropes of the water buckets that were lowered into the river from time to time. Three long weeks the Illini stayed on the rock. Before the first week had passed, they had eaten their dogs; by the time of the third week, they were eating grass and bark. Hunger and thirst brought the realization that they must descend and chance a battle or die of starvation. They resolved to sneak through the Potawatomi camp during some propitious night.

On the first dark stormy night, the procession silently made its way down the steep eastern face of the rock. The first of the 
Illini was already passing through the outposts of the sleeping Potawatomi camp when the last was leaving the top of the rock. A mother slipped as she made her way down the cliff, her child began to cry, and the Potawatomi were awakened. The slaughter that took place within the narrow confines of the canyon was horrific. The cries of hunger-worn warriors, too weak to defend even themselves were soon stifled and then silenced. Womanhood and childhood was no defense, for women and children alike shared the warrior's cruel fate. Even those who had returned to the top of the rock were not spared. When all were dead, the Potawatomi returned to their land. Victorious, yes, but grimly appreciative of the horrors that took place in the blood-soaked canyon. It is said that even the victors regretted the clay on which they had shed so much blood.

Did any of the 
Illini escape? No one knows. Many years later, when Americans were already settled near the rock, visiting Potawatomi told them the tale. One old warrior said that the only person who saved himself was one of the last to leave the rock. When the fighting began, he saw no chance but death in the path ahead of him, so he chose to lower himself down the steepest part of the rock, from which he fell into the river and swam to the farther shore and safety. Others who visited the site in later years said that none escaped.

Such is the tale told by the Indians to the first American settlers who chose to live near the rock. Yet, it must be admitted, this story never would have happened. As far as is known, this story was first told fifty years after the time it was supposed to have taken place. And the men who told it admitted that it had been told them.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.


Additional Reading: The Starved Rock Massacre of 1769 - Fact or Fiction.

[1] There were more than one Fort St. Louis or Fort Saint Louis:

In the United States:
Fort Saint Louis du Rocher (Illinois), a French fort is later known as Starved Rock.
Fort Saint Louis du Pimiteoui a French Fort; AKA: Fort St. Louis II, Fort Pimiteoui, Old Fort Peoria; it was destroyed in 1680 and rebuilt/replaced in 1691.
Fort Saint Louis (Texas), a French colony from 1685 until 1688 near what is now Inez, Texas.
Fort Saint Louis (Wisconsin), a French fort and North West Company trading post near what is now Superior, Wisconsin.

In Canada:
Fort Saint Louis (Newfoundland), Placentia, Newfoundland, Canada.
Fort Saint Louis, a fort in what is now Moose Factory, Ontario, Canada.
Fort St. Louis (Shelburne County, Nova Scotia), Canada.
Fort St. Louis (Guysborough County, Nova Scotia)
Fort St. Louis, (or Fort Chambly), a French fort in Chambly, Quebec.

[2] "SAVAGE" is a word defined in U.S. dictionaries as a Noun, Verb, Adjective, and Adverb. Definitions include:
  • a person belonging to a primitive society
  • malicious, lacking complex or advanced culture
  • a brutal person
  • a rude, boorish, or unmannerly person
  • to attack or treat brutally
  • lacking the restraints normal to civilized human beings
Unlike the term "REDMEN or REDSKIN," dictionaries like Merriam-Webster define this term, its one-and-only definition, as a Noun meaning: AMERICAN INDIAN (historically dated, offensive today).

The term Redmen and Redskins are used often in historical books, biographies, letters, and articles written in the 18th, 19th, and early 20th centuries.

[3] Between 1630 and 1700, the Beaver Wars were battling for economic welfare throughout the St. Lawrence River valley and the lower Great Lakes region. The wars were between the Iroquois [aka Haudenosaunee; People of the Longhouse] trying to take control of the fur trade from the Hurons, the northern Algonquians, and their French allies. The Iroquois were known during the colonial years to the French as the "Iroquois League," and later as the "Iroquois Confederacy," and to the English as the "Five Nations," comprising of the Mohawk, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga, and Seneca tribes.

Tuesday, July 3, 2018

French Chicago During the Eighteenth Century.


In historical writing and analysis, PRESENTISM introduces present-day ideas and perspectives into depictions or interpretations of the past. Presentism is a form of cultural bias that creates a distorted understanding of the subject matter. Reading modern notions of morality into the past is committing the error of presentism. Historical accounts are written by people and can be slanted, so I try my hardest to present fact-based and well-researched articles.

Facts don't require one's approval or acceptance.

I present [PG-13] articles without regard to race, color, political party, or religious beliefs, including Atheism, national origin, citizenship status, gender, LGBTQ+ status, disability, military status, or educational level. What I present are facts — NOT Alternative Facts — about the subject. You won't find articles or readers' comments that spread rumors, lies, hateful statements, and people instigating arguments or fights.

FOR HISTORICAL CLARITY
When I write about the INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, I follow this historical terminology:
  • The use of old commonly used terms, disrespectful today, i.e., REDMAN or REDMEN, SAVAGES, and HALF-BREED are explained in this article.
Writing about AFRICAN-AMERICAN history, I follow these race terms:
  • "NEGRO" was the term used until the mid-1960s.
  • "BLACK" started being used in the mid-1960s.
  • "AFRICAN-AMERICAN" [Afro-American] began usage in the late 1980s.

— PLEASE PRACTICE HISTORICISM 
THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PAST IN ITS OWN CONTEXT.
 


Americans tend to attribute their national heritage to the thirteen British colonies established in the 17th and 18th centuries along the Eastern seaboard and show little awareness of the simultaneous colonization of North America, especially in the Great Lakes region, by the French. Consequently, remarkably little has been written about the long, turbulent, and fascinating French phase of Chécagou as a village before Jean Baptist Pointe de Sable's settlement near the mouth of the Chicago River in the 1780s.

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Jean Baptiste Pointe de Sable: ["Pointe" is the proper French spelling, but the 'e' is almost always dropped in documents. The 'du' of Pointe du Sable is a misnomer (an inaccurate name or designation). It's an American corruption of 'de' as pronounced in French. "Du Sable" first appeared in 1818, long after his death 1818. I use the correct spelling in this article.

One reason for this blind spot in historical knowledge is that the people who made this history left very few written records. Most of them were illiterate, and almost everyone's energies in those early days were absorbed by the never-ending task of assuring survival in the primeval and generally hostile wilderness. Initial and lingering discrimination may have also been a factor in the early 1830s Chicago French population was quickly overwhelmed by the newly arriving English-speaking settlers and overwhelmed in their numbers. Considered by many a "miserable race of men," they were sorely disparaged for the company they kept. The French were ushered out of town almost as unceremoniously as their Indian friends. 
The French had formed close family ties with the local Indians for several generations. 

The appearance of the French in North America began in 1534 with Jacques Cartier's exploration of the St. Lawrence River on a commission from his king, Francis I. The latter was seeking a northwest passage to China. Cartier did not find what we now know never existed, but on May 3, 1536, in a ceremony near what is now Quebec, he claimed the St. Lawrence River and its entire drainage basin for the French crown. However, it was learned that he had not found a passage to China nor a source of precious stones and metals as anticipated. The French authorities lost interest in further exploration. It was not until the end of the 16th century that King Henry IV of France revived efforts to colonialize North America. 

Explorers easily proceeded down the St. Lawrence Seaway from Quebec, then into the Great Lakes. In 1634, precisely 100 years after Cartier's first landing on the Atlantic coast of the continent, the first white man, traveling with seven Huron Indians, entered Lake Michigan by way of the Straits of Mackinac. He was French explorer Jean Nicollet, an agent for Governor Champlain of New France, who had been sent westward to explore the unknown territory. On the shore of Green Bay, believing that he had reached China, Nicollet dressed in colorful embroidered silk robes before landing. Encountering Winnebago Indians, he soon realized his mistake. 

In the second half of the 17th century, the progress of French colonization accelerated. Missions and forts were established in quick succession along the St. Lawrence River and at scattered locations around the Great Lakes. The first Mission in the Lake Michigan region was built by the Jesuit Father Claude Jean Allouez in 1669 on Green Bay, and in 1671, was moved to the site of the present town of De Pere, Wisconsin, the name referring to Father Allouez. Soon, there was a village of traders, and it became the starting point for southern and westward travel via a vital water route: the Fox-Wisconsin portage to the Mississippi River.

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The word "Mississippi" comes from the Ojibwe Indian Tribe (Algonquian language family) word "Messipi" or "misi-ziibi," which means "Great River" or "Gathering of Waters." French explorers, hearing the Ojibwe word for the river, recorded it in their own language with a similar pronunciation. The Potawatomi (Algonquian language family) pronounced "Mississippi" as the French said it, "Sinnissippi," which was given the meaning "Rocky Waters."

Marquette and Jolliet, in 1673, are among the better-known French explorers who began their journeys there. (Thirty years later, when traders had established themselves in Chicago as well, overland traffic between the two settlements was maintained by way of the Green Bay Indian Trail. One of the major trails of early Chicago can still be traced in the city street pattern, Clark Street, where it follows a former beach ridge of ancient Lake Chicago.
CLICK MAP TO OPEN IN FULL SIZE.
Also, in 1671, Father Jacques Marquette founded the Mission de Saint-Ignace on the northern shore of lower Michigan at what is now called Point St. Ignace, where a small village of traders had already formed. For the protection of these missionaries and traders, French soldiers under the command of Louis de Buade, Comte de Frontenac, were assigned to the region and built Fort De Buade in 1672, later relocated and named Fort Michilimackinac. One year later, in September 1673, Father Marquette and Louis Jolliet canoed down the Chicago River on their return trip from exploring the Mississippi. Thus, they discovered the Chicago site and recognized the strategic importance of the Chicago portage that linked the Great Lakes with the Mississippi, as documented in Jolliet's report to the French government. 

During the next 25 years, many other missionaries, traders, and military men followed the pathways opened by Marquette and Jolliet, traveling south from their bases at the north end of Lake Michigan and leaving their footprints at Chicago and in the Illinois River valley. The early French exploration of North America and its penetration of the Great Lakes region were, however, but a prelude to the story of the extensive activity and settlement in the area that is now Chicago.

As members of the French and Illinois tribes met and interacted, they saw an opportunity in one another. The French had visions of economic development and colonial expansion along the Mississippi.

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The Illinois (aka Illiniwek or Illini) is pronounced as plural: (The Illinois') were a Confederacy of Indian tribes consisting of the Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Peoria, Tamarais (Tamaroa, Tamarois), Moingwena, Mitchagamie (Michigamea), Chepoussa, Chinkoa, Coiracoentanon, Espeminkia, Maroa, and Tapouara tribes that were of the Algonquin family. They spoke Iroquoian languages. The Illinois called themselves "Ireniouaki" (the French word was Ilinwe). 

With these incentives, a cultural collaboration emerged that would endure for nearly a century. Both societies, Illinois and French, changed during this period of interaction. So did the cultural relationship between them. The collaboration was built on three cornerstones: economy, military, and religion. The Illinois and French became co-dependent trade partners and military allies, while at the same time, the French sought to "civilize" the Indians by converting them to Christianity. These interactions spawned changes in other aspects of life, including technology, settlement, marriage, and population size. The effects of collaboration were uneven because the Indians changed to a greater degree than the French colonists. However, both societies were affected in significant ways.

It is difficult to say precisely when the collaboration began. The Illinois and French were cognizant of each other a decade before they met. Samuel de Champlain, the explorer called the "Father of New France," took baby steps toward the Illiniwek when he began charting the St. Lawrence River valley and the eastern Great Lakes in the early 1600s. Champlain also initiated the French fur trade.
Samuel de Champlain 1567-1635.  - The Father of New France.
Animal skins, especially beaver, were in great demand in Europe. Champlain sent itinerant French fur traders (Coureurs de bois) to travel among the Illiniwek, exchanging French trade goods for pelts. When the beaver populations were depleted in the St. Lawrence trapping grounds, traders sought new suppliers among the Pays d'en Haut; upper-country (Pays d'en Haut: a territory of New France covering the regions of North America located west of Montrealtribes of the Great Lakes.
French traders and their American Indian trading partners
exchanging European goods for fur pelts.
In 1634, multilingual fur trader Jean Nicollet became the first Euro-American to see Lake Michigan. While visiting a Winnebago Indian village in the Green Bay region, he sought information on undocumented Indians who lived beyond that point to the west and south. Among the groups reported by Nicollet and his successors was a large nation living well south of Green Bay called "Eriniouai," "Liniouek," or "Aliniouek," names signifying the Illinois or Illiniwek Indians.

In that same year, fur traders established a new trading post (La Pointe) on the southwestern shore of Lake Superior among refugee villages of Huron and Ottawa Indians. Father Claude Allouez, a Jesuit priest who accompanied the fur traders, founded a mission there called St. Esprit. News of the trading post spread quickly to distant Illinois villages. The Illiniwek desired access to the French trade but would have to travel through hostile Sioux territory to get to the new post. After negotiating peace with the Sioux, The Illinois sent a delegation of eighty merchants on a thirty-day journey north to Lake Superior. It was there, in 1666, that the first known face-to-face meeting occurred between the Illiniwek and the French.

At La Pointe, the Illiniwek exchanged furs for guns, gunpowder, kettles, hatchets, and knives. They also met Father Allouez, who queried them about their homeland, history, and belief system. Allouez noted in his journal that the Illiniwek used bows and arrows in hunting and warfare but rarely muskets. He added that "these people... used to be a populous nation, divided into ten large Villages; but now they are reduced to two, continual wars with the Nadouessi [Sioux] on one side and the Iroquois on the other having well-nigh exterminated them." The Illiniwek became regular visitors to La Pointe until a new post, closer to home, was established in 1670 at Green Bay. The desire for firearms and other trade goods was so strong that some Illinois settled near the new post among villages of the Mascouten and Miami tribes.

Soon, the fur trade came to The Illinois County. In the 1680s, René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle (or René-Robert de La Salle), and Henri de Tonti undertook an ambitious campaign of exploration and commerce in the Mississippi Valley. La Salle and Tonti descended the Mississippi to its mouth in 1682 and claimed title to Louisiana in the name of King Louis XIV.
Fort Saint Louis du Rocher (on "the rock") on the Illinois River.
After returning to The Illinois County, they built a center of operations, Fort Saint Louis du Rocher [on "the rock"], atop a prominent sandstone cliff in present-day Starved Rock State Park overlooking the Illinois River. Then, they recruited a large colony of Indians to supply them with hides and furs. Across the river from the fort, the prime village location was reserved for the Kaskaskia, Peoria, and other Illinois tribes. Four other Algonquian-speaking tribes (Miami, Piankashaw, Wea, and Shawnee) joined the colony and established villages in the surrounding region. At its peak, the colony comprised an estimated twenty thousand Indians. It disbanded a few years after La Salle's death in 1687. However, Tonti and others maintained forts or trading posts among the Illiniwek from that point on.

Once the Illiniwek gained access to French trade goods, they became middlemen in an extensive trade network. For example, they received hides and furs from the Osage and Missouri tribes, which they passed along to the French for guns and other goods. One "currency" of the trade network was enslaved Indians. Illinois warriors often brought home captives when they raided villages of the Pawnee and Quapaw tribes. Some captives were adopted by Indian families to replace family members who had died. Others became the property of whites living in Canada or in The Illinois County. La Salle, for example, kept several slaves given to him by the Michigamea Illinois. One was a woman who had been captured from the Panneassa (Pawnee) tribe; another was a teenage boy from the Pana (Wichita?) tribe.

The military alliance between the Illiniwek and the French was the second cornerstone of their collaboration. The Illiniwek were surrounded by hostile tribes. Among their most bitter enemies were the five tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy: the Cayuga, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, and the Seneca. The Iroquois lived southeast of Lake Ontario in today's New York. In the 1640s, Iroquois warriors began attacking Great Lakes tribes to capture a greater share of the fur trade. Armed with muskets, they had a clear military advantage. Ottawa informants said the first Iroquois attack on the Illiniwek occurred about 1655. Although the Illiniwek soundly defeated that war party, they did suffer losses, and most took refuge west of the Mississippi River. At the time of Jolliet and Marquette's 1673 voyage, only the Kaskaskia Illinois had returned to the Illinois valley.

The Iroquois returned to The Illinois County in 1680, when they killed or captured more than seven hundred Tamaroa Illinois near the mouth of the Illinois River. With power in numbers, La Salle's fur-trade colony provided a measure of protection for several years. Fort Saint Louis du Rocher at Starved Rock, Illinois, withstood an Iroquois attack in 1684.
A Battle with the Iroquois.
Three years later, a force of 279 Illinois, Miami, and Shawnee warriors joined Tonti and the French Canadian army in a victorious raid on four Seneca Iroquois villages south of Lake Ontario. Eight hundred Illinois warriors set out to attack Iroquois hunting parties in 1688 and returned after killing or capturing sixty men. Then, in 1691, the Kaskaskia and Peoria tribes fought off an Iroquois war party near Fort Saint Louis du Rocher.

The threat of Iroquois attacks finally subsided at the end of the century when a peace treaty was concluded between the Iroquois, the French, and their Native American allies. Representatives of six Illinois tribes traveled to Montreal to sign the treaty in 1701. However, new enemies emerged in the 1700s as the population and territory of the Illiniwek began to shrink. A coalition of tribes, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, Potawatomi, and Sioux, attacked them from the north. Meanwhile, Chickasaw, Shawnee, and Quapaw warriors applied pressure from the South.

The Illiniwek were also drawn into military struggles between France and Great Britain in the Ohio Valley. These conflicts erupted in the French and Indian War (1754-1760), in which French and British armies fought one another with the assistance of Native American warriors. The Illiniwek were faithful allies of the French in these battles, while other tribes sided with the British. For example, three hundred Illinois joined the French army that defeated George Washington at Fort Necessity in 1754. In subsequent years, Illinois war parties raided English troops and settlers in Pennsylvania, Virginia, Georgia, and the Carolinas. Despite the efforts of the Illinois warriors, Great Britain ultimately won the war and, in 1763, seized control of lands east of the Mississippi River.

Religion was the third cornerstone of the Illinois-French collaboration. Traditionally, the Illiniwek worshiped one god, Kitchesmanetoa (kitch•es•man•e•TO•a), above all others. This belief in a supreme deity attracted the attention of Father Allouez and other Catholic missionaries. In the singularity of Kitchesmanetoa, the priests saw a parallel between their own religious beliefs and those of The Illinois. They hoped that this similarity would make the Illiniwek receptive to Christianity. The principal motivation of the priests was to save souls, and another was to pacify the Indians and thereby minimize the hazards of French colonization.
Jesuit Sermon with the French and Indians. 
Father Jacques Marquette, a Jesuit priest, founded the first Mission to the Illiniwek (Mission of the Immaculate Conception) at a Kaskaskia, Illinois village in 1675. Additional missions affiliated with the Seminary of Foreign Missions of Quebec were established among the Peoria, Cahokia, and other tribes as the French colony grew. Some missions were more successful than others at attracting converts. In 1707, Father Jacques Gravier reported that all but about forty of the 2,200 Indian inhabitants of the Kaskaskia village "profess the catholic faith with the greatest piety and constancy." However, members of the Peoria tribe often resisted the new faith and held to the traditions of their grandfathers. Despite these differences, the missions became a vital communication link between French and Illinois societies.

The cultural collaboration between the Illiniwek and their French neighbors changed aspects of life in both societies. Some changes were considered beneficial and actively pursued ─ at times, with mixed results. Others, unforeseen and unforeseeable, had devastating consequences.

The Jesuits established the "La Mission de L'Ange Gardien" [the Guardian Angel Mission] was founded in 1696 by Father Pierre François Pinet on the Chicago River. He served with Father Julian Beneteau and later with Father Jean Mermet. A contemporary account by Father J. F. Buisson de St. Cosme, a Seminarian missionary (a member of the Seminary of Foreign Missions) from Quebec, locates it on the north bank of the Chicago River between Michigan and Rush, a "dry" area. This was a logical location for a mission: solid ground, easy access to the lake, the river, and the portage, and significant numbers of passing Indians and Indian villages nearby. 

Father Buisson St. Cosme supplied a vivid picture of the Mission in his report, indicating that French traders lived nearby. This comes as no surprise; missions and trading posts were usually found near one another. Indians were attracted to the posts for the merchandise they offered, thus giving the missionaries opportunities to convert them. Father Buisson de St. Cosme counted about 250 Miami Indian cabins in the vicinity. 

The Mission flourished until 1702 or 1703. Infighting between the Seminarian missionaries from Quebec and the Jesuits caused the Mission to close. In 1699, it was visited by three priests from the Society of the Foreign Missions of Quebec, conducted to Chicago by Henri de Tonti, the friend and faithful lieutenant of the great explorer René-Robert Cavelier de La Salle, already dead by that time. The same year, the royal governor, Count Frontenac, mediated an agreement. The Jesuits gave up their Mission in Chicago but kept their huge Mission at the Kaskaskia Indian Reservation, just west of Murphysboro, Illinois. The Seminarians got to the Mississippi Valley. However, the Kaskaskia was moving to the banks of the Mississippi on the Illinois side, some 65 miles south of the future St. Louis. The Jesuits had little choice but to follow. Chicago was left without any missions. The La Mission de L'Ange Gardien's short existence left no visible traces.

Father Jacques Marquette, a Jesuit priest, founded the first Mission to the Illiniwek (Mission of the Immaculate Conception) at a Kaskaskia, Illinois village in 1675. Additional missions, one of which was affiliated with the Seminary of Foreign Missions of Quebec, were established among the Peoria, Cahokia, and other tribes as the French colony grew. Some missions were more successful than others at attracting converts. In 1707, Father Jacques Gravier reported that all but about forty of the 2,200 Indian inhabitants of the Kaskaskia village "profess the catholic faith with the greatest piety and constancy. However, members of The Peoria often resisted the new religion and held to the traditions of their grandfathers. Despite these differences, the missions became a vital communication link between French and Illinois societies.

The cultural collaboration between the Illiniwek and their French neighbors changed aspects of life in both societies. Some changes were considered beneficial and actively pursued ─ at times, with mixed results. Others, unforeseen and unforeseeable, had devastating consequences.

Changes in technology, particularly among the Illiniwek, are evident in historical documents as well as in archaeological excavations at Illinois village sites. Traditional Illinois technology was well suited to an independent existence because it was based on resources that could be obtained in their natural environment. The situation changed when European trade goods were made available to the Illiniwek at French trading posts. Guns and gunpowder appeared to be, and perhaps were, critical to their survival. On the other hand, accepting firearms may have thrust The Illinois into more conflicts that would benefit the French rather than The Illinois.

Other trade goods had minimal survival value but were adopted by the Illiniwek because they offered a perceived advantage over traditional objects. Brass kettles, for example, probably became desirable trade items because they were more durable and easier to carry than fragile earthen pots. Also, kettles had value even after they wore out and could no longer be used as containers. The Illiniwek cut up old kettles to make brass arrowheads, tinkling cones, and beads.

Settlement locations were also affected by intercultural collaboration. In the late 1600s and early 1700s, French forts, missions, and villages were invariably established at or near large Illinois summer villages. Clustered settlements offered mutual protection and maximized social interaction between the two societies. After considering such factors as defense and resource abundance, new settlement locations were chosen by mutual consent. For example, in 1691, the French commander of Fort Saint Louis du Rocher met with the nearby Illinois village chiefs to consider moving. Both parties were concerned about the vulnerability of their settlements to the Iroquois attack. Another problem voiced by the Illiniwek was that firewood was no longer available near their village. All agreed to relocate the entire complex downstream at Lake Pimitoui (present Peoria), where there was abundant game and other resources.

The clustered settlement had a predictable but controversial effect on marriage patterns. Many French habitants (settlers) who occupied multiethnic villages along the Mississippi River in the early 1700s were former coureurs de bois who wished to settle down and raise families. However, few French women of marriageable age lived in their villages. Even when French women were available, the habitants often turned their affections to Illinois women, and inter-ethnic marriages became common. Archives of the Kaskaskia parish indicate that of twenty-one infants baptized between 1701 and 1713, twenty were born to French fathers, and eighteen were born to Indian mothers. Although mixed marriages were banned in 1735, they created the nucleus from which the French colony grew.

One tragic outcome of cultural collaboration in The Illinois Country was the spread of epidemic diseases. Unfittingly introduced by the French, various European diseases caused numerous deaths among the Illinois Indians. Many children became ill and died in the winter of 1692-1693 from a disease that had not been identified. This was followed by a smallpox epidemic in 1704 and possible measles outbreaks in 1714 that killed two hundred in Kaskaskia, Illinois, and other smallpox epidemics in 1732 and 1756.

Together, disease and warfare caused a massive population decline. Nearly eighty percent of the Illinois population evaporated between the time of European contact and the end of the French colonial era in 1763. Meanwhile, the French colony grew slowly and steadily but evidently never attained a total population of more than two thousand people.

Cultural changes brought on by social interaction had lasting effects on the Illinois Indians and their French colonial neighbors. The Illiniwek became increasingly dependent on the French with every fur they traded and every cultural tradition they abandoned. The road to dependency was also hastened by population, territory, and political power losses. For their part, French activities in the Illinois Country relied on the Illiniwek -- sometimes heavily -- for economic and military support. The practical benefits of cultural collaboration may have decreased for the French as the size and power of the Illinois population shrank. Nevertheless, the Illinois Indians left an indelible mark on the French and their colonial history in Illinois.

By 1700, both a mission and a trading post stood at today's north end of Chicago's Loop.

The year 1701 begins the story of "French Chicago During the Eighteenth Century."

The Chicago traders of that time, referred to by Father Buisson de St. Cosme only in passing, are well known from other sources. The trading license was held jointly by Sieur Pierre de Liette, who managed the post, and François Dauphin de La Forêt. Both were men of noble birth. De Liette was a relative of Tonti, who was also a partner in the trading enterprise and who visited and helped as often as he could. A fourth partner was Michael Accault, who had been married to an Illinois Indian since 1695 and was well known as a former traveling companion of the exploring French priest and author Father Hennepin. In addition to these rather illustrious and educated men living nearby with their Indian wives, various associated traders, and helpers, working-class members needed to perform more menial tasks. The post was in existence from about 1696 to 1702, roughly concurrent with the Guardian Angel Mission. It is not known whether the traders or the missionaries arrived first. After thriving for a few years, the post suffered the same fate as did the nearby Mission: it had to be closed because raiding Indian tribes made life in the area too dangerous — at least for a while. Indian attacks became the dominant issue for early French pioneers in Illinois, a problem that remained pathognomonic during most of the 18th century. 

A war between the French and the Fox Indians started about 1700 and lasted for 40 years. An Algonkian language tribe originally near the western end of Lake Erie, the Fox were driven westward in the middle of the 17th century by the Huron-Iroquois wars. Initially, friendly trading partners of the French, who referred to them as Renards, allied with the Iroquois. They turned against the French, severely restricting first the Wisconsin-Fox River portage and, around 1700, the Chicago portage. Their actions disrupted community development in the Illinois River valley, along the Mississippi, and in Chicago. For political reasons, the seat of the French regional government at Michilimackinac, and with it the protective, military presence which during the two previous decades had at times extended as far as Chicago and St. Joseph, was transferred to the new Fort Pontchartrain du Détroit (the founding of Detroit, Michigan), built-in 1701 by Antoine de La Mothe Cadillac. Soon, the Indian raids began. Any French traders who held out in isolated Chicago during those most difficult years had to lay low. 

In 1711, Joseph Kellog, of English background but a member of a Canadian trading party, traveled with his group by boat from Michilimackinac to the Mississippi River through the Chicago Portage. He described the multiple villages he encountered on the trip in his diary. Still, he said nothing about Europeans in Chicago, although he reports on the locale's land, vegetation, and game. Most likely, the villagers had temporarily abandoned the place in favor of safer settlements such as Detroit, Cahokia, or Kaskaskia.

A French cartographer, Guillaume Delisle, printed the name "Chicagou" in its proper place along Lake Michigan on his 1718 map, "Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours du Mississippi." He showed a settlement on the west bank of the north branch of the Chicago River near the fork, where, at the end of the century, there was a trading post and small farm by Guillory. Delisle was a careful, reliable man working for the French crown, and he probably used the 1717 information to make his 1718 map. Nobody knows who owned this post. Perhaps it was an earlier member of the Guillory family of Michilimackinac. If the post had been held by the same family for several decades, it would have more plausibly explained why the north branch in 1823 became known as Guarie River.

Not all of the French folks calling Chicago their home during the 18th century lived in what we now refer to as the downtown area. All, however, lived along waterways, usually the Chicago Portage, also called Portage des Chênes. Because it was difficult and more hazardous, overland travel with trade goods was uncommon, except if one was forced to portage.

Over the years, there have been rumors of a French settlement, as early as 1740, called "Point of Oaks." It was supposedly adjacent to today's Chicago Portage National Historic Site at Harlem Avenue and 48th Street. 

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A Baptismal record from June 14, 1746, reads as follows: "...the said child having been born at the Rivière aux plains near chikago at the beginning of the month of the river, October last." 

Fort Michilimackinac settlement was the church home for most of the early French Catholic traders in the Chicago region, as it was for the family of Jean Baptiste Amiot. For the greater part of the 18th century, no priests lived near Chicago, and contact with the clergy could be maintained only intermittently by traveling long distances. However, it was maintained that it was, as historians acknowledge with gratitude, because, in an age of general illiteracy, only the missionaries could be counted upon to create a measure of written vital statistics. 

A somewhat mythical report from Governor John Reynolds of Illinois, who, during his retirement, wrote much about the state's pioneer history. Reynolds tells of a remarkable woman, born in St. Joseph in 1734 as Marie Joseph Larche. According to Reynolds, she lived to the ripe old age of 109, leaving behind four husbands in succession, and it was with her first husband that Mme ("Mrs.")
 Marie Sainte Ange moved from Mackinaw to Chicago in 1765, where they resided for fifteen years. However, it should be stressed that Governor Reynolds' recollections on this subject require independent confirmation. According to his own words, they were written largely from memory and are in conflict with documents created during Marie's lifetime.

In 1763, the French and Indian War ended. It represented the American phase of a worldwide nine-year-long struggle for supremacy in North America and elsewhere between France and England, and it was won decisively by England. The Treaty of Paris was signed in the same year, and Chicago became officially British. But it was already de facto British when, in 1761, the British Lt. Dietrich Brehm visited and mapped the "Chicago" village during his survey of the newly-won territory. He found several settlers there, and they were still present in 1763. 

In the writings of a later Chicago pioneer, Gurdon Saltonstall Hubbard (1802-1886), testimony can be found to an early Chicago trader by the name of Guillory. As a young man, Hubbard was hired by John Jacob Astor, owner of the American Fur Company, who first came to Chicago in 1818, and in his later years, relates that early on, he was shown by several of Astor's veteran traders the outlines of Guillory's former farmstead and trading post. He was told that it existed before 1778. Located strategically on the west bank of the north branch of the Chicago River near the Forks, where Fulton Street now crosses, it allowed surveillance of all three parts of the waterway. No one knows when it was first established, nor when exactly it was abandoned, but it is likely to have been there for a long time because, as indicated above, it gave its name to the north branch, "Guillory's River," a name that was used as late as the 1830s. The name Guillory is often found written in modified versions, such as Guilleroi, Garie, Guarie, or Gary. The historian Milo Quaife believes that Guillory's first name was Jean Baptiste. According to Swenson, he was part of the family of Simon Guillory, who died at Mackinac in 1744, and the trading post, which was owned by the family, was often run by hired help. We can only speculate as to what doomed the post in the end. Certainly, trade could not thrive in times of warfare, and the American Revolutionary War began in 1775. 

In May 1770, Jean Orillat, trader, merchant, landowner, and the wealthiest man in Montreal, financed the travel of two canoes licensed to go to Chicagou under the direction of Jean Baptiste St. Cyr with eight other engagés (a Canadian word from the time of the fur trade, meaning contract laborer). From surviving records, we know their names and the merchandise they carried. Interestingly, they took no trade goods, only their own provision, plus 200 pounds of chocolate. This is the only license issued in more than a century in which Chicago is the specified destination. It was a scouting expedition to size up the current Chicago potential for a new trading post and gain the local inhabitants' support for such a venture. Perhaps St. Cyr took up residence here because his name does not appear on any subsequent list of engagés. But by 1778, Chicago was deserted. Records show that Col. George Morgan, an Indian agent appointed by the Continental Congress and a former prominent trader in Kaskaskia, issued safe-conduct passes in 1776 to "the French people in Chicago" to visit Pittsburgh. The names of these Chicago settlers are not recorded. We know, however, that in 1778 and 1779, Pierre Durand, a Cahokia trader, passed through Chicago en route to Pointe de Sable's early trading post at Rivière du Chemin and encountered only Indians.

The historian Clarence W. Alvord found records indicating that in 1782, Jean Baptiste Gaffé of Cahokia sent boatloads of trade goods to Chicago. From this, we infer that he had a post there. We do not know how long he maintained this post. It could not have been earlier than 1780 among the preserved papers of the British General Haldimand, a letter by Philippe François de Rocheblave, deposed the last British governor of the Illinois country. He had been taken prisoner by George Rogers Clark at Kaskaskia in 1779 and transported to Virginia while his wife and children remained behind. He wrote to General Haldimand on November 6, 1783, that he would have to travel from Quebec into the Illinois Country and "find Mrs. Rocheblave and the rest of the family at Chicagou." It is unknown at whose cabin the Rocheblave family had found refuge in Chicago; She could have been at Gaffé's post.

Jean Baptiste Pointe de Sable is the best-known of the early Chicago traders and a man of many talents. He earned the respect of his contemporaries, and for those who followed, he became a legend, not all of which can be born out by historical research. Myths, however, have their own life, inherent beauty, and justification as poetic expressions of the soul's yearning. 

Pointe de Sable first appeared in the records of Quebec province in 1768. From recent research by John Swenson, we know that he spent most of his early years traveling as an engagé for established Montreal traders in the northwestern Great Lakes region. In 1775, he teamed up with the experienced trader Pierre Durand, and both of them left Montreal for Cahokia in The Illinois county. By 1778, Pointe de Sable operated a trading post at Rivière du Chemin [Indiana], where the British Major De Peyster's men arrested him in 1779, assuming he had French or American leanings and connections. Later, the major came to know Pointe de Sable personally and changed his mind about him, attesting to his loyalty toward the British crown by introducing him to Patrick Sinclair, British lieutenant governor of Quebec and successor to De Peyster as commandant at Michilimackinac. Sinclair's estate near Detroit, the Pinery, was subsequently managed by Pointe de Sable until 1784, when it had to be sold. 

Once Pointe de Sable became his own man again, he made his home in Chicago, where the Tribune Tower stands. 
Jean Baptiste Pointe de Sable built a cabin just north of the Chicago River near the mouth of Lake Michigan in 1779 (approximately where the Tribune Tower is today), where he established a trading post. Pointe de Sable sold his property to Jean Baptiste La Lime, who sold it to William Burnett, John Kinzie's business partner. In 1804, Kinzie bought the house and property from Burnett and kept the property until 1828. The house of Antoine Ouilmette is seen in the background. Illustration from 1827.
His Indian wife Catherine came with him. As earlier historians had concluded, it must have been between 1784 and 1788, not in 1779. There were only the Indians for him to share Chicago for the first few years. In Oct. 1788, he and Catherine traveled to her church home in Cahokia and had their long-standing solemn marriage. They had two children, Jean Baptiste Jr. and Suzanne. In Chicago in 1796, they enjoyed the birth of their granddaughter, Eulalie Marie Pelletier, child of Suzanne and Jean Baptiste Pelletier. Pointe de Sable was a skilled farmer, maintained good relationships with his Indian neighbors, spoke French, English, and Indian languages, and stayed until 1800. By then, his farm had become a valuable estate that he could sell to his neighbor Jean Baptiste La Lime for 6,000 French Livres [$1,200], a large amount at the time. While the bill of sale has been preserved and shows La Lime as the purchaser, it turns out that the trader, William Burnett, guaranteed the payment and was the actual new owner. Burnett, of Scottish origin, had his main post at the mouth of the St. Joseph River but had also maintained a trading post in Chicago since at least 1798. 

In 1800, Pointe de Sable moved to St. Charles in present Missouri, and we will not follow him there in this account. Pointe de Sable left behind a tiny village of traders, where French and Indian languages were spoken and often mixed. There was Antoine Ouilmette, who says in recorded interviews late in his life that he became Pointe de Sable's neighbor in 1790 (the northern Chicago suburb Wilmette is now named after him). In 1792, they were joined by La  Lime. Like Pointe de Sable, both men had Indian wives. 

Three years after Pointe de Sable's departure, the English-speaking element was added when Fort Dearborn was built, and the trader, John Kinzie, came with his family in 1804 and bought Pointe de Sable's old house and farm buildings from La Lime. The village grew slowly for the next three decades, maintaining its French cultural dominance until 1833, when an unprecedented population explosion began, radically changing Chicago's face and fabric so that it was soon no longer recognizable by its original inhabitants.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.