Friday, June 14, 2019

The Mad Gasser of Mattoon, Illinois.

The Mad Gasser of Mattoon, also known as the Phantom Anesthetist or the Anesthetic Prowler, was the supposed perpetrator of a series of alleged gas attacks targeting the residents of Mattoon, Illinois. The incidents began on August 31, 1944, and lasted two weeks. In total, about 35 individuals believed they were victims, as they suffered symptoms in their own homes. The identity of the Mad Gasser and whether or not the gassings ever really occurred are still a mystery.
On Thursday, August 31st, Urban Reef awoke to a strange smell in his bedroom that soon became so overpowering that he became physically ill. He woke his wife, and she wondered if there might be a problem with the pilot light in the kitchen. She decided to get up and check, but she found that her legs wouldn’t move. Thankfully, these symptoms went away in a short time. The pilot light, she found, was working perfectly.

The next night, Mrs. Bert Kearney was awakened by a strange, sweet smell in her bedroom. When she tried to move, she found herself temporarily paralyzed. Her screams brought neighbors, who called the police, but no sign of a gas leak was found. Around midnight, Bert Kearney returned home from work, unaware of what had happened earlier that evening. As he turned into the driveway, he spotted a man lurking near the house, dressed all in black, close-fitting clothing and a black watch cap. He was standing near a window when Kearney spotted him and turned to run away. Thinking he was a window peeper, Kearney gave chase, but lost the man in the darkness. 

Nearby, on September 1st, three separate households reported similar symptoms. In one family, the mother went to check on her daughter but found that she, too, was paralyzed from the waist down. The mothers and children felt the effects of gas in the other two homes as well. One of the families had seen a prowler wearing a tight-fitting cap and dark clothing.
Although the police drafted incident reports, they found no hard evidence to point them in any direction.

Early reports also came to the attention of the local newspaper. They had found a terrific story and published sensational articles on September 2nd about the incidents, citing such specifics as to the smell of the gas and the explicit symptoms experienced by the victims. Their coverage of the story stated that there was some kind of madman out in the dark who was creeping around and pumping poisonous gas into people’s homes. They called this phantom, “The Anesthetic Prowler” and, subsequently, ‘The Mad Gasser.” The poison, they claimed, could have been chloroform or ether, according to the description of its smell.

Over the next few days, more and more people reported to the police and the newspaper that they had been the victim of a similar attack. They too had experienced a sickly-sweet smell and then burning sensations, nausea, and partial paralysis.

There were two reports on the 5th, and on that night, the police seemed to have caught a lucky break. The first real clues in the “Mad Gasser” case were discovered. They were found at the home of Carl and Beulah Cordes, but what the clues actually reveal still remains a mystery. The Cordes returned home late to find a white cloth lying on their porch. Mrs. Cordes picked it up and noticed a strange smell coming from it. She held it up close to her nose and felt immediately nauseated and light-headed. She nearly fainted and her husband had to help her inside. Moments later, her lips and face began to swell and her mouth began bleeding. The symptoms lasted almost two hours. The police were called and they took the cloth into evidence. As they searched the property, they also found a skeleton key and an empty tube of lipstick that was found on the porch, but it provided nothing substantial. They decided the prowler was probably trying to break into the house, but had failed. Apparently, he had dropped his lipstick and a cloth with gas residue on it, too. The mystery was just getting deeper by the day. 

Later on the 5th, the gasser attacked again, this time spraying gas into an open window. The attacks continued and Mattoon residents began reporting fleeting glimpses of the gasser, always describing him as a tall, thin man in dark clothes and wearing a tight black cap. More attacks were reported and the harried police force tried to respond to the mysterious crimes that left no clues behind. Eventually, the authorities even summoned two FBI agents from Springfield to look into the case, but their presence did nothing to discourage the strange reports. Panic was widespread and rumors began to circulate that the attacker was an escapee from an insane asylum or a German spy who was testing out some sort of poisonous gas.

Armed citizens took to the streets, organizing watches and patrols to thwart any further attacks, but several took place anyway. The gas attacks were becoming more frequent and the attacker was leaving behind evidence like footprints and sliced window screens. A local citizens’ “vigilance group” did manage to arrest one suspect as the gasser, but after he passed a polygraph test, he was released. Local businessmen announced that they would be holding a mass protest rally on Saturday, September 10th, to put more pressure on the already-pressured Mattoon police force. Now, the gasser was becoming more than a threat to public safety -- he was becoming a political liability and a blot on the public image of the city. 

The gasser, apparently not dissuaded by armed vigilantes and newspaper articles, resumed his attacks. The first new incident took place at the home of Mrs. Violet Driskell and her daughter, Ramona. They awoke late in the evening to hear someone removing the storm sash on their bedroom window. They hurried out of bed and tried to run outside for help, but the fumes overcame Ramona and she began vomiting. Her mother stated that she saw a man running away from the house. A short time later that night, the gasser sprayed fumes into the partially-opened window of a room where Mrs. Russell Bailey, Katherine Tuzzo, Mrs. Genevieve Haskell, and Mrs. Haskell’s young son were sleeping. At another home, Miss Frances Smith, the principal of the Columbian Grade School, and her sister, Maxine, were also overwhelmed with gas and became ill. They began choking as they were awakened and felt partial paralysis in their legs and arms. They also said that as the sweet odor began to fill the room “as a thin, blue vapor,” they heard a buzzing noise from outside and believed that it was the gasser’s “spraying apparatus” in operation.

By September 10th, "Mad Gasser" paranoia had peaked. FBI agents were trying to track down the type of gas being used in the attacks and the police force had to divide its time between looking for the gasser and keeping armed citizens off the streets. Neither law enforcement agency was having much luck. By the following Saturday night, several dozen well-armed farmers from the surrounding area had joined the patrols in Mattoon. In spite of this, six attacks took place anyway, including the three previously mentioned. Another couple, Mr. and Mrs. Stewart B. Scott, returned to their farm on the edge of Mattoon late in the evening to find the house filled with sweet smelling gas. 

This seemed to be the last straw for the Mattoon authorities. While several gas attacks were reported on the night of September 11th, they were all dismissed as false alarms. Newspaper accounts of the affair began to take on a more skeptical tone, and despite claims by victims and material evidence left behind, the police began to dismiss new reports of attacks and suggested that local residents were merely imagining things. The gasser could not be caught and it seemed easier to claim that he never existed at all than to admit that no one could find him. New stories began to appear in the papers, where psychology experts opined that the women of Mattoon had dreamed up the "Gasser" as a desperate cry for attention, as many of their husbands were overseas fighting in the war. This theory ignored the fact that many victims and witnesses were men and that this so-called "fantasy" was leaving behind evidence of his existence. 

The Mattoon police chief issued what he felt was the final statement on the gas attacks on September 12th. He stated that large quantities of carbon tetrachloride gas were used at the local Atlas Diesel Engine Co. and that this gas must be causing the reported cases of illness and paralysis. It could be carried throughout the town on the wind and could have left the stains that were found on the rag at one of the homes. As for the "Mad Gasser" himself, well, he was simply a figment of their imaginations. The whole case, he said “was a mistake from beginning to end.”

Not surprisingly, a spokesman for the Atlas Diesel Engine plant was quick to deny the allegations that his company had caused the concern in town, maintaining that the only use for that gas in the plant was in their fire extinguishers and any similar gases used there caused no ill effects in the air. Besides that, why hadn’t this gas ever caused problems in the city before? And how exactly was this gas cutting the window screens on Mattoon homes before causing nausea and paralysis?

The official explanation also failed to explain how so many identical descriptions of the "Gasser" had been reported to the police. It also neglected to explain how different witnesses managed to report seeing a man of the gasser’s description fleeing the scene of an attack, even when the witness had no idea that an attack had taken place.

The last "Gasser" attack took place on September 13th, and while it was the last incident connected to the attacker in Mattoon, it was also possibly the strangest. It occurred at the home of Mrs. Bertha Bench and her son, Orville. They described the attacker as being a woman who was dressed in a man’s clothing and who sprayed gas into a bedroom window. The next morning, footprints that appeared to have been made by a woman’s high-heeled shoes were found in the dirt below the window. 

After this night, the "Mad Gasser of Mattoon" was never seen or heard from again.

To this day, the identity of the Mad Gasser remains a mystery, as does the reason why he/she chose to wreak havoc in Mattoon. Stories have suggested that Mattoon’s Gasser was anything from a mad scientist to an ape-man (although who knows where that came from?) and researchers today have their own theories, some of which are just as wild. 

Could he have been some sort of extraterrestrial visitor using some sort of paralyzing agent to further a hidden agenda? 

Could he have been some sort of odd inventor who was testing a new apparatus? In 2002, a woman who explained that her father grew up in Mattoon during the time when the gas attacks were taking place. He told her that there had been two sisters living in town at the time who had a brother who was allegedly insane. A number of people in town believed that he was the Mad Gasser and so his sisters locked him in the basement until they could find a mental institution to put him in. After they locked him away, her father told her, the gas attacks stopped. Is this the answer to the mystery?

Or could the "Gasser" have been an agent of our own government, who came to an obscure Midwestern town to test some military gas that could be used in the war effort? It might be telling that once national attention came to Mattoon, the authorities began a policy of complete denial and the attacks suddenly ceased. Coincidence?

Whoever, or whatever, he was, the "Mad Gasser" has vanished into time and, real or imagined, is only a memory in the world of the unknown. Perhaps he was never here at all. Perhaps he was, as Donald M. Johnson wrote in the 1954 issue of the Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, simply a "shadowy manifestation of some unimaginable unknown."

But was he really? How do we explain the sightings of the “Mad Gasser” that were made by people who did not even know the creature was alleged to exist? Or identical sightings from independent witnesses who could not have possibly known that others had just spotted the same figure? Was the “Gasser,” as some have suggested, a visitor from a dimension outside of our own, thus explaining his ability to appear or disappear at will? Was he a creature so outside the realm of our imaginations that we will never be able to comprehend his motives or understand the reason why he came to Mattoon?

Perhaps this is the solution to the mystery – that this is a mystery that we’ll never understand. If you think about that long enough, it can make your head hurt. It’s a solution that simply causes more questions to be asked.

Compiled by Neil Gale, Ph.D. 

Out Of Place ARTifacts (OOPArt) found in Illinois.

Throughout recorded history, diggers — amateur and professional — have been finding objects that appear modern or made of advanced materials but are located in old rock or other places where they shouldn't, or couldn't, be. Such objects have become known as Out Of Place ARTifacts (OOPArt) are artifacts of historical, archaeological, or paleontological interest found in an unusual context that challenges conventional historical chronology by being "too advanced" for the level of civilization that existed at the time or showing "human presence" before humans were known to exist. Other examples suggest contact between cultures that are hard to account for with conventional historical understanding.

An 1870 OOPArt found in Illinois Rock
During the drilling of an artesian well at Lawn Ridge, 20 miles north of Peoria, Illinois, in August 1870, one of the workmen, Jacob W Moffitt (1841-1922) of Chillicothe, discovered a coin-like object (usually referred to as a 'medallion,' although it lacks any hole or loop by which it might have been suspended) when the bit had reached a depth of about 114 feet according to Peter Kolosimo. The object was made from an indeterminate copper alloy, about the size and thickness of a U.S. quarter of that period and was decorated on both sides.

On one side were two human figures, one large and one small; the larger was wearing a headdress. This is usually described as a crowned woman holding a crowned child, but the sketch does not bear this out: it looks more like a warrior in a feathered headdress about to strike a fallen enemy.

The other side is said to have depicted a central crouching animal with long, pointed ears, large eyes and mouth, claw-like arms and a long tail, frayed at the tip, with a horse below it and to the left; again, the drawing seems to show something slightly different from this. Around the edges of the 'medallion' were obscure symbols usually described as hieroglyphs, although they resemble no known script. It was of uniform thickness and appeared to have cut edges.
A sketch of the medallion from Lawn Ridge, Illinois.
According to an account by Professor Alexander Winchell (1824-1891), State Geologist for Michigan, in his book Sparks from a Geologist's Hammer, he received a statement from another eye-witness, Dr. William H Wilmot, dated December 4, 1871, of the deposits and depths of materials made during the boring. The numismatist William Ewing Dubois (1810-1881) gave a report to the American Philosophical Society where he suggested that it had passed through a rolling mill, with the edges showing evidence of machining. The figures appeared to have been etched with acid.

Professor Winchell presented the object to a meeting of the Geological Section of the American Association at its meeting in Buffalo (New York) in 1876. One participant, J.R. Lesley, suggested that the artifact was a practical joke and that it might have been dropped into a hole by a passing French or Spanish explorer centuries earlier. He also suggested that the figures on either side of the object represented the astrological signs of Pisces and Leo and claimed to find the date 1572 in the symbols.

Winchell was adamant that the symbols were indecipherable in terms of any known script and that the practical joke hypothesis failed because no one could have dropped an object into a hole in the expectation that someone several hundred years later would happen to drill at that precise spot. He was convinced the coin had been in the deposit from 200,000 to 400,000 years ago at 114 to 125 feet before its discovery and had not just fallen into a hole.

It is difficult to know what to make of this curious object without descriptions and a preliminary sketch. It was clearly not a coin of recent date, but there are problems in accepting it as ancient or pre-Columbian.

There are good reasons for this. Firstly, coinage is a historically specific development, beginning in the first millennium BC in the eastern Mediterranean region: all coins and coin-like medallions derive from these original models. Secondly, copper alloy production was unknown in pre-Columbian North America. It might have been a curio or souvenir of the nineteenth century if it was not a hoax.

An 1891 OOPArt found in Illinois Coal
According to the World Coal Association, the process responsible for coal formation began 360 to 290 million years ago. With this in mind, finding any human artifacts within this ancient substance is impossible. Incredibly, many items have reportedly been found in such deposits, either inside the coal itself or deep down within coal veins found in mines that have been tunneled out far beneath the Earth's surface. OOPArts found in coal and stone are some of the strangest unexplained artifacts.

The Morrisonville Times, an Illinois newspaper, reported on June 11, 1891, the unusual discovery of a modern artifact found embedded in a lump of coal that had originated from a Southern Illinois mine, which the Illinois State Geological Survey said had formed between 320 and 260 million years ago, at some time during the Carboniferous Period (about 359 to 299 million years ago) or the Permian Period (about 299–252 million years ago)

The bizarre report printed as follows:
"A curious find was brought to light by Mrs. S.W. Culp last Tuesday morning. As she was breaking a lump of coal preparatory to putting it in the scuttle, she discovered, as the lump fell apart, embedded in a circular shape a small gold chain about ten inches in length of antique and quaint workmanship."
According to the report, Mrs. Culp initially suspected that the chain must have accidentally been dropped into the coal container. However, as she picked up the chain, she saw that it was still attached to the coal itself.
No picture of the delicate gold chain exists.
The news article read:
"The idea of its having been recently dropped was at once made fallacious, for as the lump of coal broke, it separated almost in the middle, and the circular position of the chain placed the two ends near to each other; and as the lump separated, the middle of the chain became loosened while each end remained fastened to the coal."
Finding a human artifact such as this, with the possibility of being crafted hundreds of millions of years ago, raises the most unlikely of questions, should we choose to accept that the object was actually located inside the coal as reported and not simply discovered alongside it and the geological age of coal itself has been accurately dated. Should these two factors prove correct as they initially appear, one must question civilized man's place in history.

An examination of the item clearly displayed some hard fragments of the coal that still clung on to the links of the chain, while the part of the coal that had broken apart also bore the distinct impression of where the chain had been encased in it. True or false, this is still a part of Illinois history!

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 

Thursday, June 13, 2019

An 1870s Study of Pre-Historic Man in Whiteside County, Illinois.


In historical writing and analysis, PRESENTISM introduces present-day ideas and perspectives into depictions or interpretations of the past. Presentism is a form of cultural bias that creates a distorted understanding of the subject matter. Reading modern notions of morality into the past is committing the error of presentism. Historical accounts are written by people and can be slanted, so I try my hardest to present fact-based and well-researched articles.

Facts don't require one's approval or acceptance.

I present [PG-13] articles without regard to race, color, political party, or religious beliefs, including Atheism, national origin, citizenship status, gender, LGBTQ+ status, disability, military status, or educational level. What I present are facts — NOT Alternative Facts — about the subject. You won't find articles or readers' comments that spread rumors, lies, hateful statements, and people instigating arguments or fights.

FOR HISTORICAL CLARITY
When I write about the INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, I follow this historical terminology:
  • The use of old commonly used terms, disrespectful today, i.e., REDMAN or REDMEN, SAVAGES, and HALF-BREED are explained in this article.
Writing about AFRICAN-AMERICAN history, I follow these race terms:
  • "NEGRO" was the term used until the mid-1960s.
  • "BLACK" started being used in the mid-1960s.
  • "AFRICAN-AMERICAN" [Afro-American] began usage in the late 1980s.

— PLEASE PRACTICE HISTORICISM 
THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PAST IN ITS OWN CONTEXT.
 


When Europeans first penetrated the country beyond the Appalachian Mountains, they found it covered with dense forests and presented no evidence of ever having been cultivated. Still, here and there were hillocks (a hill or mound) of regular form, some of them of great size, usually occupying commanding positions on the highlands overlooking streams. Besides these hillocks, evidently the work of man, there were walls of great extent, some of them enclosing tracts of many acres, in several cases of more than 100 acres in area. Of these works, the Indians living in the country at that time could give no account whatsoever but a vague and unsatisfactory one. Research has resulted only in theories and conjectures, often of the wildest and most improbable character.
One of the larger-sized mounds (Site 7) was found at the Sinnissippi Site in Sterling, Illinois.
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The word "Mississippi" comes from the Ojibwe Indian Tribe (Algonquian language family) word "Messipi" or "misi-ziibi," which means "Great River" or "Gathering of Waters." French explorers, hearing the Ojibwe word for the river, recorded it in their own language with a similar pronunciation. The Potawatomi (Algonquian language family) pronounced "Mississippi" as the French said it, "Sinnissippi," which was given the meaning "Rocky Waters."

In Sterling, Whiteside County, Illinois, many mounds are found. Three or four are placed on the high point southwest of Albany, commanding a fine view of the Mississippi in both directions. They appear to contain only bones, which crumble as soon as exhumed. Several were in Fenton, on the slope overlooking the Rock River Bottom. In Como, a number are found. Some of these have been examined (in the 1870s), and fragments of bone were discovered. In Carroll County, Mr. J.M. Williamson found a vast collection of flint chippings, the material of several varieties as if brought from different localities, which are believed to mark the site of an arrow and spearhead production.

The articles found in mounds are of considerable variety, embracing arrow and spearheads, stone axes, shaped and pierced fragments of stone, intended either for ornament or as charms, earthenware coarse and unglazed but usually ornamented with simple designs, earthen vessels of various sizes and forms, beads, etc. Some pieces of copper and other minerals foreign to the locality and evidently esteemed for their beauty and rarity have been obtained. In a few instances, stone tablets have been unearthed and covered with hieroglyphic characters [1], which seem to be designed as a sort of record from their grouping and arrangement.

Most of the mounds were undeniably tombs, as they contain only bones and such articles as were buried with the dead; others contain nothing and seem to have been designed as places for lookouts, while others, no doubt, were at one time places at which religious exercises were held and where sacrifices were offered, and these we have reason to believe were often of human beings.

Are all the mounds the same age? Certainly not. Assuming that all of the buildings in Whiteside County were erected in the same year, then building ceased.

Were the builders the ancestors of the present Indians? There is nothing to prove that they were not; some facts show they were. 

If skeletons are of any value as evidence, then we must admit that there is a good reason for assuming those ancient builders and the present Indians to be of the same race. It's doubtful if a mound 2,000 years old exists in the United States. Seeking an age much greater than 4500 years old defies common sense because the earliest known Egyptian pyramid (at Saqqara, Egypt, the Step Pyramid of Djoser) was built around 2630 BC. Investigators, unfortunately, generally construct a theory and then search for facts to prove it, viewing each fact captured through the microscope of prejudice and prepossession, and, of course, succeed in getting at everything but the truth.

The flint implements, arrowheads and spearheads that have been discovered are of various grades of workmanship, some highly finished and others rough and clumsy. The material differs from a fine semi-translucent horn stone to a dull oolitic chert of two or more shades of color.

The earthenware is of various colors, some almost a cream tint through all shades to a dark brown. It is generally rough, coarse, as to material, thick, clumsy in form, and ornamented in geometrical designs of straight parallel lines, either of one or two series. Some specimens are, however, of a higher type, of fine form, and skillfully modeled.

The beads are generally of bone or stone. They are of irregular forms, of various sizes and were probably worn for ornament. Circular and triangular pieces of stone pierced with one or more holes seem to have been intended for the same purpose but may have been used as amulets or charms. They do not appear to have been numerous. The pieces of copper found in these tombs were probably collected from the drift, but that at one time and for a considerable length of time, it was mined on Lake Superior cannot be doubted, and it may have been an article of traffic among these people. Masses of it weighing several pounds have, however, been obtained in the drift of the Illinois River and the Rock River.

W.C. Holbrook, Esq., of Genesee, who has thoroughly investigated the labors of the mound builders in Whiteside County, presents his conclusions and observations as follows:
There are fifty-one mounds near Albany; a large number in the vicinity of Como. He has examined four mounds and two altars in Clyde. Several groups of mounds and earthworks are to be seen on Rock River above Sterling. Below the Sterling fairgrounds are twenty-two mounds, one of which is the largest in the county. The Albany mounds are rounded heaps of loose sandy soil, from two to twelve feet in height, usually circular, of a diameter five times the height. Several of the mounds are elliptical, their long diameter parallel with the river. In these mounds have been found galena, mica and fragments of pottery, the pottery bearing the impression of some kind of woven or matted fabric, bone implements and various portions of human skeletons.
Using a comparative table of the length of long bones, Dr. Farquharson of Davenport, Iowa, found that none belonged to a person taller than six feet. In May 1877, Mr. Holbrook examined several mounds north of the Catholic Cemetery in the vicinity of Sterling, one of which was a large mound, one of a number in a row parallel with the river. On moving the clay, it was found that this mound contained a Dolmen [2] built of flat pieces of fossiliferous limestone. The stones used were quite large. The wall was a right-angled parallelogram, twelve feet long and five wide; the foundation was laid upon clay, and the wall was built artistically, with no cement. The inner surface was smooth and even, although the stones were unhewn. The inside of the Dolmen revealed fragments of eight skeletons, the bones badly decomposed. Apparently, the bodies were cast into the sepulcher (a small room or monument, cut in rock or built of stone, in which a dead person is laid or buried ) promiscuously. The skulls found indicated that these people were acquainted with the division of surgery known as "trepanning" (removing portions of the bones of the skull or portions of other bones). A thigh bone that had been fractured was found replaced and united in a manner that would do honor to a surgeon of the present day. The skulls were found to plummet, fossils not found in this locality, finely black polished pebbles, and several large teeth. In another mound was found an altar of burned rock, oval in shape, long diameter of six feet, and short diameter of four and a half feet. The altar was of fossiliferous limestone. Over the mounds were found one to ten feet of vegetable growth and a decayed stump of a hickory tree, about twelve inches in diameter. On and about the altars were usually found charcoal and charred remains of human beings, also evidence of great and continued heat.

At Sterling, the indications are that the body was placed upon the clay, covered with black loam [3], and a great fire built over the whole. After the fire, the mound was raised. This is indicated by the thick strata of charcoal and ashes found. As a rule, the remains unearthed furnish unsatisfactory evidence. Significant numbers of perfect molar teeth are exhumed, thus certifying that pre-historic man was unacquainted with the sharp pain of a toothache. Stone scrapers were found in the Sterling mounds but were very rude in design and execution. Fragments of pottery were found, as well as implements made from the antlers of the elk and deer. 

At Sterling is a work that many call a fortress. The two embankments are parallel, 66 feet apart, in an east/west direction. The south embankment has two gateways. The north embankment is 264 feet long and has two gateways. The construction indicates a knowledge of the cardinal points of the compass (North, South, East and West). These people evidently had a practical acquaintance of astronomy, as the north star appears to have been a governing point with them.

The Mound Builders wore cloth and dressed in the hides of animals, carved rude ornaments and engraved characters upon the stone, ate food from earthen dishes, and worshiped at altars erected upon high hills and in low valleys. There are abundant reasons for believing that human sacrifice was common to them. Trepanned skulls (a form of surgery that involves boring holes through a person's skull) are frequently met with on-opening mounds, evidence being presented that the operation was made before death. The superstition of the Mound Builders seems analogous (performing a similar function but having a different evolutionary origin, such as the wings of insects and birds) to that of the South Sea Islanders and tribes of savages of the 18th & 19th centuries who trepan for vertigo, neuralgia (a stabbing, burning, and often severe pain due to an irritated or damaged nerve), etc., believing that these complaints are demons in the head that should be let out.

Copper was the king of metals among the Mound Builders, and metal was worked on imperfectly.

Anatomically considered, the Mound Builders were no larger nor stronger than the men of the 18th & 19th centuries. Their skulls differ widely from the Indian or Caucasian and have been thus described as: 
"The frontal bone recedes backward from a prominent superciliary ridge, leaving no forehead, or rather the eye looks out from under the frontal plate, very similar to a turtle shell, and no more elevated." 
Their jaws were protruding, prominent and wide. The evidence is that the Mound Builders were half-civilized agricultural people, prominently differing from the Indians in the manner of burial and habits of life. The scientifically developed fact that bones undergo great changes by age, as applied by Dr. Farquharson and Mr. Holbrook, proves the great antiquity of the bones found in the mounds of this county.

About the Stone Age of Whiteside County, Mr. Holbrook says that stone implements are occasionally found in all parts of the county. The number of implements found in some localities indicates that primitive men lived in villages, and each village had at least one arrow maker. The men of the Stone Age evidently admired the beautiful and sublime in nature, for the sites of their ancient villages are in the county's most picturesque and grand localities. In one of these villages in the southwestern part of Genesee, eighty-four arrowheads and spear points were found while plowing an acre of ground. Several small, sharp, triangular flint pieces that had perhaps been used for the "teeth" of war clubs were also found. In another village, on Mr. Deyo's farm in Clyde, we find the number of domestic implements to be greatly greater than that of the weapons. More than one hundred scrapers, stone hoes, corn pestles, and some implements of doubtful or unknown uses have been found here. Mr. Deyo plowed up about twenty scrapers that had been carefully buried near the roots of a large white oak; only a small portion of the decayed stump of the once venerable oak now remains. Some of the scrapers found in this "nest" are very interesting because they are half-finished and reveal the method of their manufacture. 
Various stone arrowheads, scrapers, ax heads and other tools are found in Illinois.
The implement maker -- for some were undoubtedly devoted to that business -- found or broke from some larger piece of flint or hornstone, a flat piece of rock; he then began to break off small flakes near the edges on one side, finishing it before he began to chip off the other side; when finished, these scrapers were oval in form, about four inches long and two and one-half broad, one side convex resembling in shape a turtle shell, the opposite side nearly flat or slightly concave. Stone hoes resemble the scraper in form; they are longer and less oval, with an edge upon one end instead of the side and the end opposite the edge smooth for the hand; they had no handles. Pestles for crushing corn are about eight inches long and two inches in diameter. Fish spears are sometimes found among the pebbles in the bottoms of the smaller streams; unfortunately, many of these specimens are broken, so it is not easy to determine their prevailing form. Broken arrowheads and spear points are sometimes found. Arrowheads have been found once broken and chipped into specimens of different forms; others bear evidence of having been broken at the point and repaired afterward. Implements for dressing hides have been found; a good specimen of this class of implements was found by J. M.Williamson in Ustick; it is a small oval boulder about eight inches in diameter and two inches thick; on one side, there is a flat and a very smooth polished surface. The materials from which the implements of the Stone Age are manufactured are all found in the drift of Whiteside County. There are, however, several exceptions: a pipe of the Minnesota pipe-stone has been found in Genesee, and a spearhead of a peculiar quality of quartzite found at Devil's Lake, Wisconsin, has been picked up in Clyde. Arrowheads were made from almost every variety of horn-stone; a few were made of milky quartz, and one in the collection of J. M. Williamson is pure yellow jasper. Stone axes weighing from four ounces to thirteen pounds have been found. An ax in Mr. Holbrook's collection weighs eleven pounds and is unfinished. Large quantities of flint chippings are found in some localities; they prove that the arrow-makers understood the conchoidal fracture and planes of cleavage of the materials used. Some specimens are rude and imperfect, others are perfect and exhibit great skill; some appear very ancient, for their surfaces are weathered or corroded by the tooth of time.

Conclusion
I find that the assumptions made and, thus, some misinformation from this 1877 account of a pre-historic man in Whiteside County have been mostly corrected in the 21st century. Most rough-looking arrowheads, spearheads, and tools were from youth or the inexperienced learning the trade and were tossed into piles as unusable.

History of Whiteside County, Illinois. Published: 1877
Edited by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.



[1] The Birdman tablet was discovered in 1971 during excavations at the base of the eastern side of Monks Mound conducted by the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee.
The Real Cahokia "Birdman Tablet."
Archaeologists theorize that the bird of prey on the front of the tablet symbolically represents the Upper World. The Middle World (of man) is represented by the human figure wearing the costume, and the Lower World is defined by the snakeskin pattern on the back of the tablet.

The Ramey Tablet was also found on site. The tablet was found east of Monks Mound on the Ramey farm sometime during the 19th century. It dates to around 1250 AD. The Ramey tablet is broken in quarters. Only one-half of the tablet was found. The original Ramey tablet is in the Madison County Historical Museum collection in Edwardsville, Illinois.

The Ramey Tablet displays war symbols of the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex with human heads, hair buns, beaded forelocks, ear spools, and pileated woodpeckers.
[2] A dolmen (or cromlech) is a type of single-chamber megalithic tomb, usually consisting of two or more vertical megaliths supporting a large, flat horizontal capstone or "table." Most date from the early Neolithic (4000–3000 BC) and were sometimes covered with earth or smaller stones to form a mound of earth and stones raised over a grave or graves.

[3] Many people confuse loam soil with topsoil, but the truth is that there is a difference between the two.

"Topsoil" refers to any kind of soil that is on top. What you are walking on, riding your bike on, or turning with your shovel is known as topsoil. Topsoil is basically different kinds of organic matter that has decayed with time. There are all kinds of organic matter, like decayed food, grass, rocks, and dirt, so it is usually a bit darker than the soil beneath it.

Loam refers to a unique mixture of sand, clay, and silt. Loam is usually made of half sand, one-quarter silt, and clay. It is considered the best topsoil, as it allows enough water to be soaked into the ground to keep plants hydrated – yet it still drains well enough that air can circulate.

So, the difference between loam soil and topsoil is the exact difference between your thumb and fingers: all loam is a kind of topsoil, but not all topsoil is a kind of loam.

Tuesday, June 11, 2019

The History of Cahokia's Five Woodhenges.

The Cahokia Woodhenge was a series of large timbers forming a circle located roughly one-half mile west of Monks Mound in the Indian Village of Cahokia site (Collinsville, Illinois, today).
An Illustration of the Cahokia Woodhenge.
They are thought to have been constructed between 900 and 1100 AD, each being larger and having more posts than its predecessor. The site was discovered as part of salvage archaeology in the early 1960s interstate highway construction boom, and one of the circles was reconstructed in the 1980s. The circle has been used to investigate archaeoastronomy at Cahokia Mounds. Annual equinox and solstice sunrise observation events are held at the site.

DISCOVERY AND EXCAVATION
The series of woodhenges at Cahokia was discovered during salvage archaeology undertaken by Dr. Warren Wittry in the early 1960s in preparation for a proposed highway interchange. Although most of the site contained village house features, several unusually shaped large post holes were also discovered. The post holes were 7 feet in length and 2 feet in width, and sloping ramps were formed to accommodate the insertion and raising of the estimated 20-foot tall posts to a 4-foot depth into the ground. When the holes were plotted out, it was realized that they formed several arcs of equally spaced holes. Detailed analytical work supported the hypothesis that the placement of these posts was by design. Wittry hypothesized that the arcs could be whole circles and that the site was possibly a calendar for tracking solar events such as solstice and equinoxes. He began referring to the circles as "woodhenges," comparing the structures to England's well-known circles at Woodhenge and Stonehenge.
Woodhenge lies west of Monks Mound, at the lower-left edge of the illustration.
Dr. Robert L. Hall undertook additional excavations at the site in 1963. Hall used the predicted locations from the arcs found in the previous excavation and found more post holes and posts near the centers of the circles now thought to be central observation points. Wittry undertook another series of excavations at the site in the late 1970s and confirmed the existence of five separate timber circles in the vicinity. The circles are now designated "Woodhenges 1 through 5." Each was a different diameter and had a different number of posts. Because four of the circles overlap, it's thought they were built in a sequence, with each iteration generally becoming more extreme and containing twelve more posts than its predecessor.

The remains of several posts were discovered in the post pits. The type of wood used, red cedar (Juniperus virginiana), is considered sacred by many Native American groups. The red cedar is the only native evergreen species in the area and is resistant to disease and decay. Traces of red ochre pigment were also found, suggesting that the posts were probably painted at some point. In 1985, William R. Iseminger led a series of excavations to see an entire circular sequence of posts. He completed the sequence for what has become known as Woodhenge 3 (except for nine posts on the western edge that had been lost to dump trucks for road construction fill) and then led the circle reconstruction. The reconstruction team obtained enough red cedar logs for half of the holes. Then, it made do with black locust (Robinia pseudoacacia) for the other half, placing them into the originally excavated postpositions. The Illinois Historic Preservation Division (Illinois Department of Natural Resources) oversees the Cahokia site. It hosts public sunrise observations at the vernal and autumnal equinoxes and the winter and summer solstices. Out of respect for Native American beliefs, these events do not feature ceremonies or rituals.

CONSTRUCTION SEQUENCE
The structure was rebuilt several times during the city center's roughly 300-year Woodhenge history. The presence of single-set posthole houses and midden [1] deposits suggests the area was habitation during the early Emergent Mississippian period before the timber circles were constructed. A separate layer of later Mississippian wall trench houses suggests it became a habitation area again after the final woodhenge was no longer used.
Woodhenge 1 was located to the east of the other circles, the only one not built on the same spot as the other four. It had 24 posts and was 240 feet in diameter. This circle was dismantled and at a later date Mound 44 was constructed, partially covering this location.

Woodhenge 2 was constructed to the west of the previous circle. It had 36 posts and was 408 feet in diameter.

Woodhenge 3 had 48 posts and was 410 feet in diameter. It is thought to have been constructed in approximately 1000 AD. This version of the woodhenge was reconstructed in 1985 using the original holes found during excavations. The 48 posts of the circle are set at 7° 30′ apart as measured from the geometric center of the circle, although the central post of the circle is offset from the true center by 5.6 feet to the east. This facilitates the alignment with perimeter posts marking the winter and summer solstice sunrise positions, correcting for the latitude of Cahokias location.

Woodhenge 4 had 60 posts and was 476 feet in diameter.

Woodhenge 5 had an arc and post spacing that suggests it was 446 feet in diameter and could have had 72 posts, although only 13 posts were found in a short arc facing the direction of the sunrise. Archaeologists suspect it may not have been a full timber circle and that by this time the large trees needed for the posts may have been getting scarce in the vicinity of Cahokia.
ALIGNMENTS
Archaeologists think the woodhenge is a solar calendar capable of marking equinox and solstice sunrises and sunsets for the timing of the agricultural cycle and religious observances. During the equinoxes, the sun rises due east of the timber circle. From the vantage point of the circle's center, it appears as if the sun is emerging from the front of Monks Mound, roughly a half-mile away. One of the reasons for the changing position and size of the timber circles may have been the growing size of the Monks Mound as additional layers of earth raised its height and increased its geographic footprint and the desire to keep this symbolic emergence and alignment intact.
View of the reconstructed Woodhenge 3 and its alignment with the equinox pole. You can see Monks Mound, which is 1/2 mile away.
The winter solstice sunrise pole is aligned with the Fox Mound (Mound 60, a rectangular platform mound paired with a conical burial mound, Mound 59), which sits across the grand plaza 1,640 feet south of Monks Mound. The top of the roughly 46-foot tall mound projects above the horizon, and back in Cahokian times, it would have had a large temple structure at its summit, raising it even higher. From the central pole of Woodhenge 3, the sun would have appeared to rise from this mound and temple at the winter solstice. Besides their celestial marking functions, the woodhenges also carried religious and ritual meaning reflected in their stylized depiction as a cross-in-circle motif on ceremonial beakers.
Ceramic beaker with woodhenge motif.
One prominent example has markers added to the winter sunrise and sunset positions and was found in an offertory pit near the winter solstice post pit. It also had radiating lines that symbolized the rays of the sun.

As there are many more posts than are necessary for these simple alignments, some archaeoastronomers have speculated that they were also used to observe other celestial events, such as lunar cycles, the motion of the Pleiades star cluster [2], or other stars and planets;. In contrast, others have suggested they were used to align mound and causeway construction projects.

CAHOKIA'S MOUND 72 WOODHENGE
Archaeologist Marvin Fowler has speculated that the woodhenges also served as "aligners" and that there may have been as many as three more in other strategic locations around Cahokia, built to triangulate and layout construction projects. Fowler has put forward at least one other possible circle at Cahokia, but his suggestion has not yet gained full acceptance from other archaeologists.

This location was discovered near Mounds 72 and 96, directly south of Monks Mound. Several post holes may have been a ceremonial area with 412 feet in diameter circle and 48 posts. Archaeologists have dated the placement of at least one of the posts to approximately 950 AD.
Solstice and equinox markers at the Mound "Md" 72 Woodhenge, with the hypothesized full circle of posts.
Archaeological research has shown that four posts were at the cardinal locations of north, south, east, and west, with eastern and western posts marking the equinox sunrise and sunset positions. Four other posts in the circle were shown to be at the summer solstice sunrise and sunset and the winter solstice sunrise and sunset positions. This setup is nearly identical to the diameter and post positions of Woodhenge 3, differing only in that Woodhenge 3 was 2 feet smaller in diameter. The placement of the two mounds at the location and the directions they are oriented correspond to several of the solstice marking posts. The post nearest the later elite burial spot of the "Birdman" is the location that marked the summer solstice sunrise at the time of the site's use. The early stages of the mounds were actually constructed around the posts, although at a later point, the posts were removed.

The Birdman tablet was discovered in 1971 during excavations at the base of the eastern side of Monks Mound conducted by the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee.
The Real Cahokia "Birdman Tablet."
Archaeologists theorize that the bird of prey on the front of the tablet symbolically represents the Upper World. The Middle World (of man) is represented by the human figure wearing the costume, and the Lower World is defined by the snakeskin pattern on the back of the tablet.

The Ramey Tablet was also found on site. The tablet was found east of Monks Mound on the Ramey farm sometime during the 19th century. It dates to around 1250 AD. The Ramey tablet is broken in quarters. Only one-half of the tablet was found. The original Ramey tablet is in the Madison County Historical Museum collection in Edwardsville, Illinois.
The Ramey Tablet displays war symbols of the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex with human heads, hair buns, beaded forelocks, ear spools, and pileated woodpeckers.
Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 



[1] A midden is an old dump for domestic waste, consisting of animal bone, human excrement, botanical material, shells, sherds, and other artifacts and ecofacts associated with past human occupation.

[2] The Pleiades star cluster – also known as the Seven Sisters or M45 – is visible from virtually every part of the globe. It can be seen from as far north as the North Pole and farther south than the southernmost tip of South America. It looks like a tiny misty dipper of stars.
This star chart for M45 represents the view from mid-northern latitudes for the given month and time.
Pleiades Star Cluster.

Female Skeletons Identified as Nobles found in Cahokia's 'Beaded Burial' Mound 72.

From about 800 to 1350 AD, Cahokia was apparently one of the biggest cities in the world. At its height, it had 20,000 residents. The complex society at Cahokia, part of the Mississippian Culture, prospered in the fertile lands off of the Mississippi Valley across the river from modern St. Louis, Missouri.
In the ruins of the ancient city of Cahokia, which flourished hundreds of years ago, there is a burial mound with the remains of a royal or noble couple. Buried around them in the mound are the skeletons of many people who were brutally chopped up, strangled or bled to death in apparent sacrifices.

Burial Mound 72 is called the “beaded burial” because two of the bodies at the center of the grave contained two bodies on a bed of luxurious beads, but it was previously thought to contain the bodies of six highly important men. A new study concludes that some of the 12—not six—high-status skeletons include women and one child. Buried at the very center of this central beaded burial feature is the couple—that is, a man and woman. The burial mound was used from about 1000 to 1200 AD.

“The fact that these high-status burials included women changes the meaning of the beaded burial feature,” archaeologist Thomas Emerson of the Illinois State Archaeological Survey said. “Now, we realize, we don’t have a system in which males are these dominant figures and females are playing bit parts. And so, what we have at Cahokia is very much a nobility. It’s not a male nobility. It’s males and females, and their relationships are very important.”

Inside the burial mound, rediscovered in 1967 by archaeologist Melvin Fowler, were five mass graves with between 20 to more than 50 bodies. Many of them were sacrificed.
This graphic shows the arrangement of the beaded burial, which had a man and woman, not just two men as was previously believed.
Mound 72 burials are some of the most significant burials ever excavated in North America from this time period. Fowler’s and others’ interpretation of these mounds became the model that everybody was looking at in terms of understanding status and gender roles and symbolism among the indigenous people groups in the 1960s era.

Recent research says that Fowler and other researchers erroneously concluded the beaded burial was of two high-status men who were buried with their servants. They thought the beaded cape or blanket was in the shape of a bird, which are symbolic to warrior societies and mythology in the Indian culture. So Fowler concluded that the beaded burial was of two male warrior chiefs. Researchers extrapolated these conclusions to surmise that Cahokia had a “male-dominated hierarchy.”

A fresh look at the early archaeologists’ maps, notes and reports, and the skeletal remains told a new and surprising story. First, the researchers found that there were 12 bodies associated with the beaded burial – not six, as had been previously reported. And independent skeletal analyses revealed that the two central bodies in the beaded burial were actually male and female. Further analyses revealed other male-female pairs on top of, and near, the beaded area. Some were laid out as fully articulated bodies. Others were disarticulated bodies, the bones of which had been gathered and bundled for burial near these important couples. The researchers also discovered the remains of a child.
Mound 72 at Cahokia held several mass graves but also burials of high-status individuals, some of which included items like these artifacts. Pictured here are chunky stones likely used in games, Cahokia-style tri-notched projectile points, and marine shell disc beads like those used in the beaded burial at Cahokia.
Researchers had speculated that victims of human sacrifice found at Cahokia were brought in from outside the area, perhaps as a tribute. But an analysis of the element strontium (is a trace element found in seawater and soil and is similar to calcium, with the symbol Sr and atomic number 38, its an alkaline earth metal) in the victims’ teeth shows they were mainly local -- especially the 39 people brutally killed and unceremoniously dumped in a mass grave.

Strontium is absorbed into the human body from the underlying bedrock through the consumption of local animals and plants. Since the levels of strontium vary across the midcontinent depending on the local geology the level of strontium absorbed by individuals also varies. Investigations of the strontium levels of the remains of individuals who died at Cahokia between 900 AD and 1350 AD indicate that fully one-third of these people were foreigners from outside the immediate vicinity of Cahokia. This suggests that Cahokia could not rely on traditional kin-based political and social models but likely had to “invent” new ways of social and political control and population management.

Mound 72 had groups of people, some of the victims of sacrifice, buried in large pits. Many were laid out in neat rows and had little sign of trauma. Researchers speculate they died of strangulation or blood-letting.

Compiled by Neil Gale, Ph.D.