Daniel Pope Cook (Congressman, landowner).

Daniel Pope Cook, known as the "Champion of Illinois Statehood," was a pivotal figure in Illinois' journey from territory to state. 

Daniel Pope Cook

A young lawyer and landowner in early Springfield, Cook tirelessly advocated for statehood, writing persuasive articles and prodding the Illinois territorial legislature to take action.  His efforts, including lobbying in Washington D.C., helped secure the Northwest Ordinance with its anti-slavery provisions, laying the groundwork for Illinois' future. After statehood, Cook served as Illinois' first Attorney General and later represented the state in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1819 to 1827. His legacy is honored through Cook County, Illinois, named in his memory, and his influence is further seen in his work on a diplomatic mission to Cuba and his co-ownership of the Illinois Intelligencer newspaper.

Daniel Pope Cook was born in Kentucky in 1794 and moved to Kaskaskia, Illinois, in 1815. There, he studied law under his uncle, Nathanial Pope, the U.S. congressman for the Illinois Territory. Cook was also mentored by his father-in-law, territorial Governor, and later state governor, Ninian Edwards.

Cook was named the territory's first auditor general in 1816, but soon after that, he went to Washington, D.C., to further his political career. President Monroe sent him on to London with dispatches for John Quincy Adams.

Cook returned to Illinois in November of 1817 and took it upon himself to write a very persuasive article for the newspaper in Edwardsville, which he co-owned, explaining why Illinois should become a state instead of a territory. The territorial legislature took up the call and, by December 10, sent off its appeal for statehood to Congress, where Nathanial Pope presented the document.

The legal process for statehood was finalized on December 3, 1818, making Illinois the 21st state of the union. Cook was elected Illinois' second representative in Congress after statehood and was re-elected three times. At the time, Illinois allowed only one representative; as that representative, Cook significantly impacted legislation affecting the state.

Daniel Pope Cook married Julia Catherine Edwards, daughter of Ninian and Elvira Edwards, on May 21, 1821. They had one child, John Cook (sometimes reported as John Pope Cook). He was only 2 years old when his father died in 1827. Julia Cook died three years later, and John Cook was raised by his grandparents, Ninian and Elvira Edwards.

With statehood achieved and a treaty signed with indigenous tribes, numerous settlers were drawn into the central part of the state, known as "the Sangamo country." The area was known for well-drained prairies outlined by streams, woodlands with plentiful wildlife, and productive soil. The area remained federal land until surveys were completed and a land office opened for sales in 1823.

Sangamon County (much more significant than today) was created in 1821, and Cook took an interest in the newly created county. He had a cabin built and 10 acres of land plowed, thus making known his desire to purchase land.

Elijah Iles had built a store in the tiny Springfield community, designated the temporary county seat, and is credited with a movement to establish a platted town. Iles set about agreeing with other settlers not to bid against him and three other men at the land sales set for November 6, 1823.

Cook apparently intended to be one of the other three original buyers, along with John Kelley and John Taylor, as implied in an October 21, 1823, letter from Iles to Cook.

However, the letter brought terrible news. Kelley had died, and the quarter section of land Taylor was to buy had been set aside as "seminary land," the sale of which was reserved and profits set aside for higher education.

According to the letter, Cook also had dropped out of the plan, presumably because he was to run for a third term in Congress. The letter tells Cook, "Your improvement now goes in the name of Enos." 

A document written by Pascal P. Enos later records that Cook had made improvements to the land, which Enos evidently purchased through a local intermediary, maybe Iles.

On November 7, 1823, Iles, Enos, and Thomas Cox (replacing Kelley) purchased three planned quarter sections of land and platted a town. Taylor finally bought his quarter section a year late after a letter to the Governor resulted in its re-designation.

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Cook’s role in the development of Springfield confused the writers of an early county history and of a number of historical articles, all of which list Cook as one of the city’s four original proprietors. As explained above, his interest was real, but deed records do not show Cook buying land then.

Cook visited the Sangamo area at least once, if not more often, as verified by an article in the Edwardsville Spectator on July 12, 1823. The article says Cook and Gov. Edward Coles were invited to the Springfield area for a Fourth of July celebration. Toasts were given to the two men, and then Cook gave a toast that was quoted in the newspaper. Iles was identified as another of those present. Unfortunately, what Iles and Cook may have discussed about a future town or what other meetings they may have had is unknown.

1855 Springfield map shows Cook's land holdings in Springfield, Illinois. His purchases from Iles are in blue; those from Enos are in green. Cox purchase not shown.

In 1826, after losing his bid for a fifth term in Congress, Cook again showed an interest in Springfield. This time, he bought land from Iles, Enos and Cox. In February, he purchased from Enos seven town lots and a 16¼-acre outlot for $50, along with three town lots and another 16¼-acre outlot, also for $50, from Iles. In May 1827, Cook paid Cox $100 for a 26-acre tract.

Although respected, intelligent, politically astute, sociable, and an eloquent speaker, Cook was physically frail. He died at age 33 on October 16, 1827. He was memorialized four years later when Cook County was named.

In Springfield, Daniel Pope Cook is remembered by a street name. In 1836, Iles filed the plat for a 27-block addition to Springfield in anticipation of the town becoming the state capital. He named its east/west streets Market, Jackson, Edwards, and Cook.

Market (today's Capitol Avenue) got that name because Iles set aside an area between Ninth and Tenth Streets for a vendor market. Iles presumably chose Jackson following the original town plan's pattern of using presidents' names; Andrew Jackson was President then. Edwards Street honored Ninian Edwards.

Finally, Iles named a street after the man whose legislative work helped advance Illinois and with whom he had had a personal acquaintance: the late Daniel Pope Cook.

After Daniel Cook's death, his Springfield land was auctioned to pay a debt. It was purchased by the widow Elvira Edwards. At Elvira's death in 1839, her son, Benjamin S. Edwards and grandson, John P. Cook, were heirs to the land.

Daniel P. Cook's name does appear on the James L. Lamb obelisk. (Only parts of the name are now readable; the other information given is illegible.) Why is Cook's name on the Lamb family marker? Lamb's daughter Susan married Daniel Cook's son, John Pope Cook. John and Susan Lamb Cook have individual stones at their graves in the Lamb family plot. Cook is memorialized at Oak Ridge but not buried there.

The Cook name also lived on in Springfield through Daniel Cook's only son, John Cook, a Civil War brigadier general and mayor of Springfield, and his grandsons, John Crammer, James L. and William J. Cook.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.

The 1833 Winnebago Murder Trial in Frontier Illinois.

Indians of the Great Lakes region subscribed to a kinship-centered system of justice.  

In the case of murder, the victim's family was obligated to retaliate in kind against the perpetrator's family unless the presentation of a suitable gift could be arranged to "cover the dead," that is, assuage the aggrieved relatives. Similar customs applied as well to intertribal killings, and quite naturally, Indians expected to continue their practice of justice in whatever conflicts would arise with white settlers. In doing so, they were frustrated by the Anglo-American legal system, in which, rather than the family, administered justice. One such confrontation in frontier Illinois occurred when Winnebago Indians attempted to assert their ethos in coping with the intrusion of whites into the upper Mississippi Valley.

The Winnebagos were a Siouan-speaking people encountered by the French in the Green Bay vicinity in the early 1600s. Over the next two centuries, members of the tribe pursued the fur trade throughout south-central Wisconsin and northwestern Illinois along the Rock River and its tributaries. In the War of 1812, several Winnebago bands fought alongside the British and their allies, Tecumseh and the Shawnee Prophet. Later, leaders of the bands were upset when they learned that their British allies had made peace with the Americans. The leaders remained disgruntled when Superintendent of Indian Affairs William Clark invited them to send a peacemaking delegation to his headquarters at St. Louis. Still influenced by British traders, they were not anxious to acknowledge fealty to the Americans. While at least one band of Winnebago under Choukeka (Spoon or Ladle) Decora signed the June 3, 1816, treaty of amity, other bands refused. 

Tensions increased as lead miners, traders, and military men penetrated Winnebago lands. The newcomers commonly assessed the Winnebago demeanor as fiercely independent, resistant to "civilization," sullen, and aloof. 

American officials expressed irritation that the disaffected Winnebago bands continued to make seasonal visits to British posts at Fort Maiden across the strait from Detroit and at Drummond Island at the northern end of Lake Huron. There they received presents and encouragement from sympathetic British commanders.

American efforts at stopping the trips could have been more effective. Colonel Joseph Lee Smith, commander of the Third Infantry Regiment at Fort Howard (Green Bay), regarded the Winnebagos as "vicious," "active," and having a "mischievous character." As proof, in January 1820, he related the following example of Winnebago's duplicity with the British. A band claiming they were bound for Mackinac had stopped making friendly statements States. On departing, however, instead, Drummond obtained British gifts; on bypassed Fort Howard. Discovered and destroyed a hill near Lake Winnebago Green Bay. He argued that only the presence of an intimidating force of Americans would hold in check the tribe's "evil and unfriendly propensities."

At about the same time, traders and government officials at Green Bay experienced hostility as they attempted to cross waterways near Winnebago villages. An Indian from a village at Lake Winnebago fired a shot that pierced the awning of a boat carrying Captain William Whistler, his three children, and four or five soldiers. The boat flew the American flag. Whistler stopped the vessel and ordered his interpreter to make inquiries. The Winnebago declared that they controlled the route and that no vessel could pass without their permission. As no one was injured and because Whistler did not wish to press matters at that point, he and his party proceeded unmolested.

In retaliation for the harassment, John Bowyer, the Indian agent at Green Bay, soon arrested The Smoker, a visiting "great chief of the Winnebagos." Replying to Bowyer's interrogation, The Smoker professed ignorance of the attack but stated that if the reports proved true, he would bring in the band's leader (who, in the meantime, had reportedly gone on a hunt up the Mississippi) "before the Ice [is] made." With that guarantee, Bowyer released The Smoker and announced that the first chief who approached the fort would be imprisoned if the matter were not resolved by spring. 

Lewis Cass, Governor of Michigan Territory from 1813 to 1831.

In a letter to Michigan Territorial Governor Lewis Cass, Bowyer described the Winnebagos as "unfriendly to the Government." He cautioned that "their character with the white and red people are bad, they are great liars and robbers" and that "no dependence can be placed in what they say."

Bowyer's reports described several confrontations. A boat belonging to a trader named Ermatinger was shot in the mast while crossing Lake Winnebago. On the Fox River, an army surgeon reported that he had been treated "insolently" by Winnebagos, who seized and searched his baggage. Nothing short of placing a strong garrison at the Fox-Wisconsin portage, Bowyer insisted, would "keep this tribe in order."

In the spring of 1820, Thomas Forsyth, an agent at Rock Island, reported to Clark that the Winnebagos had been "daring and impudent" in the vicinity of Fort Armstrong, killing government-owned cattle and repeatedly stealing corn from the Sauks. Clark showed little inclination to trust a delegation of principal men from a Rock River Winnebago band who met him in St. Louis "on a visit of inquiry and friendly professions." In passing on Forsyth's report, Clark claimed to Secretary of War John Caldwell Calhoun that "no confidence can be placed in this vicious Tribe" because "they have later been very insolent and even threatened Fort Armstrong after having killed their cattle." Clark asserted that a lesson for the Winnebago renegades was long overdue, for "they appear not to have any respect for our government, and friendly councils have never produced any favorable effect in preventing their excesses." 

John Caldwell Calhoun, U.S. Secretary of War.

To Forsyth, Clark urged vigilance, yet he admitted that he did not know what the federal government intended to do about the murderers. In April 1820, when Governor Lewis Cass was embarking on a tour of the Northwest, Calhoun reminded him that "certain individuals of the Winnebagoes, Chippewas, and Menomonee have evinced a hostile spirit, which must be repressed." In consultation with each tribe, wrote Calhoun, Cass should "represent to them the desire of the Government to cultivate friendly dispositions towards them, but which cannot be continued unless they effectually restrain the hostile conduct of their people."

In July, the scholarly Jedidiah Morse spent fifteen days in the vicinity of Green Bay on an expedition authorized by the War Department. In his final report, Morse stated that he found it difficult to obtain reliable information on the Winnebagos, partly because of the language barrier and partly because "no other tribe seems to possess so much jealousy of the whites, and such reluctance to have intercourse with them." Morse also commented on Winnebago's sense of territoriality. He confirmed that "they will suffer no encroachment upon their soil; nor any persons to pass through it, without giving a satisfactory explanation of their motives and intentions." Whites who failed to take that customary and precautionary step, said Morse, endangered their lives.

At the time, Morse's antipathy towards whites bated to a "state of consideration." Two young warriors' relatives had been accused of the murder and scalping of two soldiers just outside the gates of Fort Armstrong. Both Indian and white behavior during the episode is well documented in letters and reports, and a close analysis of those records reveals important cultural divergence in the matters of retributive justice and punishment. 

Francis Paul Prucha observes in his study of United States Indian policy that normal federal procedure in the early 1820s was to demand that accused Indians be surrendered by tribal leaders. If the chiefs resisted, various threats, military expeditions, seizure of hostages, or rewards to cooperative Indians generally achieved the purpose.

To American authorities, the murder and scalping of John Blottenburgh and Clement Attley Riggs, two unarmed soldiers on a woodcutting detail, appeared a wantonly savage act. Leaders of the suspected Winnebago bands were summoned and ordered to surrender the culprits. Calhoun directed Cass and Indian Agent Richard Graham to clarify to Winnebago leaders that such atrocities would not be regarded with impunity. Unless the chiefs demonstrated their loyalty by promptly surrendering the "wicked authors" of the crime, the government would consider the chiefs as participants in guilt, and the entire Winnebago nation would be "made to feel the just vengeance and retribution of the Government." Calhoun asserted that it was the responsibility of the chiefs to avert "disastrous consequences and annihilation." Indian gestures of friendship, while expected, were insufficient; the murderers had to be handed over to federal authorities.

Calhoun, however, urged restraint. Rather than overreact to frontier reports of a contemplated general Winnebago attack on Fort Armstrong, he described the killings as the work of a few individuals acting "without the knowledge or authority of the Chiefs." The latter, he correctly predicted, would "disavow it, or any hostility on the part of their nation towards the United States, but take the most prompt and active measures to cause the perpetrators to be arrested and delivered for punishment." 

Lieutenant Colonel Henry Leavenworth

Although his frontier commanders ─ impatient with slow-moving courts and aware of the difficulties of assembling creditable witnesses ─ often preferred summary execution by firing squad, Calhoun ordered that the accused Winnebagos be transferred to civil authorities. Lieutenant Colonel Henry Leavenworth, who had been summoned from Fort Snelling for the investigation, grumbled: "It would have been better to have executed them and then have tried them ─ If they are tried, they must be executed, or we shall feel the weight of the Winnebago Tomahawk." 

To ensure compliance, the Army seized four Winnebagos as hostages. They were released when the chiefs, as promised, brought three men to Prairie du Chien, "preceded by a white flag, and attended by a large concourse of the tribe." The next day Prairie du Chien justices of the peace interrogated the three Indians while the chiefs looked on. 

All three of the prisoners belonged to Winnebago bands on the Rock River. In the spring of 1820, they had set out for Fort Armstrong, ostensibly as traders. Sometimes en route, the eldest, Chewachera [or Chewacuhra], implored the other two's assistance in avenging the death of his sister and her husband, who the Indians claimed was attacked and left to drown by American soldiers. One of the warriors was as young as fifteen, and the other was Chewachera's nephew and therefore bound by custom to obey his commands. Jerago, the youngest of the trio, said that he resisted because he knew the act's consequences and their agent would be angry. He cried and begged the others to "forget our Relations that the Americans had killed." After unsuccessfully attempting to wrest the guns from his companions, he fired shots to alert his mother and thwart the plan. Jerago would not disavow his loyalty to his fellow tribesmen in yielding to interrogation. "They went off and killed two soldiers," he said. "I did not wish to be drawn into this business, but since I have had Irons put upon my hands, which hurts me, I will remain with them."

According to stories told separately by each prisoner, there had been no elaborate scheme for ambushing officers at the fort; the act was premeditated only one day. Wading from their camp on the east bank of the river to the island on which the fort stood, the three determined to lie in wait for someone to come out. If no one appeared after a considerable time, they resolved to forego revenge and simply enter the fort, shake hands, and have a friendly smoke ─ the original preference of the two younger men. But when Blottenburgh and Riggs appeared, the warriors shot them, and Chewachera bashed their heads with the back of an axe and scalped them. The three headed back up Rock River without stopping to stretch the scalps on a hoop. En route to their village, they were taunted by their tribesmen for their rash act. Chewachera and his nephew Whorahjinka were "so much cursed" at their lodge that they unceremoniously threw away the Soldiers' scalps.

Winnebago society placed restrictions on individuals who wished to seek retribution. Permission had to be secured from the chiefs. Warriors who failed to receive that permission, or refused to pursue it, subjected themselves to the only restrictive measures that the chief and the community could adopt ─ temporary loss of prestige, the sort of treatment suffered by the three Winnebago.

Chewachera openly admitted his guilt. He absolved the other two of murderous intent and corroborated their versions of the affair. He did, however, amplify his reasons for revenge:

I knew that my sister had been ill-used below I did not think any more of that. I never had any ill intentions until I heard that my sister had been abused ─ Women ought to be respected. My Father did not encourage any person to use women ill. But my sister had been ill-treated. . . and when I came near the place where it was done, I lost my senses and did a bad act I have done it I delivered up my body to the Chiefs what more can I say.

Whorahjinka added that when they were leaving their lodges, the women had cried on behalf of the slain relatives, and the recollection of that scene helped to trigger the killing of the soldiers. Twice he tried to prevent the contemplated act but finally acquiesced because "my body belonged to my Uncle. I was obliged to do as he did or told me to do."

In an effort to ascertain the facts and project an impartial posture, White authorities attested to the veracity of the interpreters used in the proceedings. One of them, an Indian of an unspecified tribe known as Fast Walker, satisfied the whites before he was sworn in that he knew the purpose and obligations attached to an oath, stating that the Great Spirit would not forgive him ─ even beyond the grave ─ should he lie under oath. When asked the customary way in which to bind an Indian's word, Fast Walker replied, "By laying the hand on a Medicine Sack, a ball or an arrow and saying, 'May my Medicine prove bad, or may the ball or the arrow pierce my heart if I tell a lie.' " Rather than request a medicine bag for his own swearing-in, he told the whites: "The Americans know more than the Indians. I see you have a book there you say is the word of God (or the heart of God). I believe it and will attest upon it as you do."

Leavenworth conducted the interrogation before an assemblage of Rock River Winnebago. Referring to Chewachera's accusations, Leavenworth insisted that the matter had been looked into by Nicholas Boilvin, the United States Indian agent at Prairie du Chien. Boilvin, after talking to a man who had buried the Winnebago couple, reported that although one of the bodies bore marks that might have been attributed to an accident, neither body had broken bones, nor was there evidence that the woman had been assaulted. He said they drowned after falling through the ice. Leavenworth dismissed the charges against the Americans as a lie sung in the Indians' ears by "some bad bird." He claimed that two years had elapsed since the disputed incident and that it was as unreasonable for Winnebago to kill his young men at Rock Island in retaliation for those drowning victims as it would be for him now to kill Winnebago at Prairie La Crosse or Black River in response to the murders of the soldiers.

As on previous occasions, Leavenworth promised that if tribal leaders reported to him any cases of Americans killing Winnebago, he would punish the perpetrators. In a rhetorical flourish that his listeners could not have taken seriously, the Colonel claimed that if his own Father or brother killed an Indian, he would spare no effort to have him hanged, and "such are the sentiments of every white man."

In order to demonstrate "our love of justice [and] that we do not wish to harm the innocent," the authorities released Jerago after concluding that he had done everything possible to prevent the crime. That magnanimous gesture, Leavenworth warned, should not be misconstrued; justice also required that the guilty be punished. Glossing over such Winnebago concepts of justice as payment to relatives of victims, Leavenworth asserted that the "unfortunate young men" had "committed a crime which by your laws subject them to the punishment of death." "Our laws," he concluded, "are the same."

Commending the Winnebago for their good faith in surrendering the murderers and lifting the cloud of distrust that hung over their nation, Leavenworth reminded them that for several years the Rock River bands had had had a bad reputation among whites. He hoped that their future conduct would disprove that negative appraisal. Finally, he warned against asking for the release of the two remaining prisoners, who, in his opinion, deserved the death penalty. In fact, he saw no reason why the Winnebago did not execute those of their nation who killed whites.

Apparently, the Winnebago made threats when they learned that only Jerago would be returned. The delegation had the temerity to tell Leavenworth that he should release the others for the sake of his "Forts and children." Leavenworth scolded them:

What do you mean by that? Is it war? If war serves your intention, you should have kept the prisoners and not given them up. Neither my Forts nor my soldiers are afraid of war ─ they are always ready and would be pleased with it if the Winnebagos wish it. You behaved like men in giving up the prisoners, but in asking me to release them again, you act like old women asking for bread.

The Colonel claimed to have made no promises regarding Chewachera and Whorahjinka. He judged that they were guilty and that Jerago was innocent. Leavenworth instructed the delegation to close any pending business with their agent and return to their villages. He expected assurances that the chiefs would restrain their men.

After meeting in the council, Shungapaw spoke for the Indians. He wished to know when Leavenworth was leaving to go upriver so that the band could accompany him. The suspicious Colonel refused to reveal his plans beyond saying that he intended to hold the prisoners until receiving orders from the President. Upon noticing that Shungapaw no longer wore an American medal (a gift of friendship), Leavenworth accused the Winnebago of mischievous intent. "When you are desirous of any favor, you are very good Americans and appear to be proud of wearing their medals," he said, "but when your wishes are disappointed, you throw them aside." Indeed, he warned them that a watchful eye would be kept upon them because he expected to hear of more murders. Next time, the Americans would not await a surrender; annihilation would be the result for those who began warfare. Shungapaw denied any evil intention and explained that he had given his medal to the brother of one of the prisoners in order to assuage his grief. He maintained that neither the chiefs nor the warriors present had mentioned war and that all were satisfied that their "Great Father, the President," would decide the prisoners' fate.

Reporting to Calhoun after a tour through Winnebago country, Governor Cass expressed satisfaction with Leavenworth's "wise and decisive" handling of matters. The Indians had learned a lesson, said Cass, and the United States should regret nothing except the "untimely fate of the soldiers." Commenting on the likelihood of future complaints, Cass was confident, after talking with men he termed principal Winnebago chiefs, that only the "intemperate passions of Individuals" would again produce such conduct. The chiefs, he believed, would disavow violent acts and would surrender offenders as quickly "as the relaxed state of their Government" would permit.

Leavenworth took the prisoners from Rock Island to Edwardsville in the autumn of 1820. From there, they were transferred to the jail at Belleville. The trial finally took place on May 12, 1821, after Chewachera and Whorahjinka had been held for nearly a year. Jacob Hough, a soldier from Fort Armstrong, testified that he and Andrew Peeling found the bodies of Blottenburgh and Riggs less than a mile from the fort. The two victims had been shot and scalped, and Blottenburgh was hacked in the left side with an axe. Jerago, having been called to testify, told the same story he had related in the earlier interrogation. The jury took only half an hour to reach a verdict of guilty. The following day Chewachera and Whorahjinka were sentenced to death by hanging; the execution was set for mid-July.

The physical condition of the two prisoners was a matter of grave concern both in the Illinois press and among their fellow Winnebago. According to one account, the two had been "hearty, robust men" in the fall of 1820 but were "scarcely able to stand or move by the trial." Upon inquiry by Leavenworth and others, the Indians made specific complaints about their treatment in jail during the winter. According to their statements, they had neither fire nor bedding and were made to sleep on a hard floor. Their daily rations consisted of "cornbread of the size of a small biscuit and half that quantity of meat." On one occasion, they received no food or water for three days and nights. The Illinois Intelligence called for an investigation in the belief that the allegations of inhumanity were exaggerated. One editorialist asked rhetorically: 

Do we call ourselves a Christian nation: Do we boast of our humanity ─ our justice? Were these men in the custody of American people and American laws? If this is true, in what do our prisons differ from those of the Spanish Inquisition or ourselves from nations we are pleased to call barbarous and uncivilized?

William A. Beaird, sheriff of St. Clair County and keeper of the Belleville jail, was accused of mistreating the Winnebago prisoners. He responded to the charges by writing a letter to the newspaper "to teach editors not to injure the characters of innocent persons on the false statements of murdering Indians." In reply to the sheriff, the editor reminded readers that the Indians' statements were not false merely because of their source and that at least one of the two men might still be vindicated of the murder charge. Sheriff Beaird maintained that the prisoners were kept in a thick-walled dungeon in which a fire would have been impossible but through which no cold drafts could penetrate. There was no suggestion, he said, that the Indians be moved near a fireplace. He labeled the charge regarding the bedding "a most absolute falsity" because Indian Agent Thomas Forsyth, wintering in St. Louis, had provided two blankets and two buffalo robes. Although Beaird said the prisoners had not fared well over the winter, he claimed they had more food than they could eat. Noticing that during the incarceration, one "dangerously. . . broke out in large sores, and bleeding at the nose, toothache, and scurvy," Beaird frequently had ordered that soup be prepared as "an extra dainty." The unaccustomed salt provision and their "close confinement in a very tight prison" caused what he called their "meager appearance."

Following the sentencing, Naw Kaw Carmani, the last Winnebago claiming a tribal-wide chieftainship, spoke to the assemblage. Although he would live until after 1830, Naw Kaw was already in his late eighties. In an opening litany of stock phrases, he claimed to be an American, pleading by the Great Spirit that he stood sincerely for peace, and stated that he had less power in his nation than the judge who had just pronounced the sentence. Then bitterness came through in his closing remarks:

When I came down here, I had hoped to find that Che-wa-cha-rah and Who-rah-jin-kah had been better treated, but my heart is oppressed at the cruelty that they have received. I did hope that pity would have been found for them. . . . But let peace be between us. I look up to our Great Father as I do to the Great Spirit for protection.

My Father ─ I came here to see justice, but find none ─ Cah-rah-mah-ree is honest, speaks what he thinks, and shakes you by the hand for the last time.

A report of the trial and verdict was sent to Washington. President James Monroe approved of the sentences meted out to the "misguided" Winnebago, but he had reservations regarding the pre-trial examinations of the accused. As a result, Secretary of War Calhoun was instructed to send word of a temporary reprieve for Whorahjinka. That decision showed at least some sensitivity to Indian perceptions of the circumstances. Whorahjinka's "extreme youth" certainly figured into the move, but so too did an appreciation that he acted as the nephew of Chewachera, "to whom he appeared to consider his body to belong and that he was of course bound to do whatever he told him to do." Whorahjinka's execution date was delayed to August 14, and Calhoun queried William Clark about the impact on the Winnebago of a full presidential pardon. In late June, the enfeebled Chewachera died in prison.

Presidential reprieve proved a false hope, for Leavenworth, who served as a prosecutor in the trial, was convinced that Whorahjinka's guilt was indisputable. While admitting that the Indians had been mistreated in captivity, Leavenworth felt positive that the tribes would "harbor motives of revenge" if Whorahjinka were released. On the expiration of the reprieve, Whorahjinka was hanged at Kaskaskia.

Agent Forsyth confirmed the predicted hostile mood of the Winnebago when he requested that his quarters be located adjacent to Fort Armstrong, as the Winnebago were "by no means well intended, on account (as they say) of the treatment their two men experienced previous to their trial." Fearful of Winnebago's revenge, American policymakers followed the old Anglo-Saxon custom (closely paralleling Indian practice) of making a wergild, or payment, in order to appease the victims' relatives and defuse any desire for retaliation. Because the bands were living near Thomas Forsyth's agency (although not within his jurisdiction), the War Department instructed him to make moderate compensation to the relatives of the two dead Indians "to relieve [them] from the distress which . . . they have suffered."

The Fort Armstrong murders and the resulting trial of the Winnebago prisoners illustrate the extent to which Indians of Illinois complied outwardly with the white man's system of justice. Yet their submission to Anglo-American legal concepts was structured whenever possible with an eye to conformity with their own traditionalism. 

Through the 1820s, continuing American penetration of the Winnebago domain provoked a variety of sporadic responses by Winnebago individuals and bands. Although initially, no tribal-wide policy underlay such responses, Americans insisted that a well-coordinated tribal policy existed. It thus became increasingly difficult for the Indians to practice traditional customs involving justice and land tenure, especially when confronted by the invasions of lead miners. 

The 1825 council at Prairie du Chien at which William Clark and Lewis Cass presented the treaty establishing intertribal boundaries for eleven Michigan Territory tribes. Artist James Otto Lewis, who attended the council, painted this scene.

In 1825 the United States imposed the first regional intertribal boundary treaty. In 1827, the so-called "Winnebago War" was declared by whites in reaction to a raid similar to the Fort Armstrong affair. The treaty ending that conflict gave the government the opportunity to impose the first actual cession of Winnebago lands in Illinois and Wisconsin.

Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 1980.

Edited by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.

The Polluted Chicago River History of Improvements in Water Quality.

Along the Chicago River, further from the lakefront, the river remained something to be tolerated rather than enjoyed.

definition

Water pollution is the contamination of water bodies that, include lakes, rivers, oceans, aquifers, reservoirs and groundwater, usually due to human activities, so it negatively affects its uses.  

In 1926, the "Henry C. Grebe & Co. Inc. Shipyard" moved to Chicago on the north branch of the Chicago River at Belmont Avenue, across the river from the famous Riverview Amusement Park. During WWII, the shipyard built over 56 ships, wood and steel, for the U.S. Navy, including 21 tugboats, 4 tankers, and 28 minesweepers.

Grebe Shipyard looks east across the Chicago River. Note Riverview Park's rides, Shoot the Chutes and The Bobs Roller Coaster in the background, circa 1928.

The opening of Chicago's first wastewater treatment plant in 1928 reduced the amount of raw sewage, but the river remained laden with industrial chemicals and byproducts. Riverside real estate was cheap, and river wards, dominated by pollution and stench, were still some of the poorest neighborhoods in the city.

During the Great Depression, many lived directly on the river's North Branch in a floating makeshift houseboat squatters' camp near Irving Park Road.

Houseboats sat along the Chicago River's North Branch between 1920 - 1929.

Around the same time, riverfront property near Division Street on Diversey Parkway was chosen as the site for one of the nation's first low-income housing projects, the Chicago Housing Authority's Julia Lathrop Homes.

Aerial view of 18th Street and the Chicago River during the river straightening project in May 1929.

The overcrowded, impoverished area on and around Goose Island became known as "Little Hell," a reference to the conditions on the island and the coal gasification plant that belched out smoke and flames nearby. It was occupied by a succession of immigrant groups who came to work in the steel mills and other factories along the North Branch.

Four girls standing in an empty lot in Little Hell in September 1902. 

The relationship between Chicago's river and its people has entered a new chapter in recent years. Aided by the mid-twentieth-century deindustrialization, a growing sense of environmental stewardship, federal regulations such as the Clean Water Act of 1972, and yet another round of monumental public works projects, the Chicago River continues to undergo dramatic improvements in water quality and accessibility.

Construction on the Tunnel and Reservoir Plan (TARP), or Deep Tunnel, began in 1975. The first portion of the massive underground system began functioning in 1981. It is a project that outdoes even Chicago's forebearers in terms of investment. When it is completed in 2029 at the cost of $3.8 billion, it should be able to hold up to 20.55 billion gallons of excess water.

The Deep Tunnel project has reduced the number of combined sewer overflows (CSO) that take place in a year. But even in the areas where it is fully operational, it hasn't managed to eliminate them completely. And given the increasing prevalence of intense, fast-moving storms, the Metropolitan Water Reclamation District of Greater Chicago (MWRD) now says that TARP will unlikely completely resolve Chicago's sewage overflow problem in the future.

Since shortly after the passage of the federal Clean Water Act of 1972, a network of environmental groups has steadily gained in size and political strength and used it to monitor polluters and pressure government agencies, including the MWRD, to continue improving the Chicago River.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 

The Winning of the Illinois County of Virginia (1778) from the British in the American Revolution (1775-1783).

The Illinois County was already occupied by settlers, most of whom spoke Algonquian and Siouan languages before the French and English arrived. (Map by Jacques Nicolas Bellin, 1755)

After winning the French and Indian War in 1763, the British controlled forts at Detroit and in what is now Indiana and Illinois.

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The Illinois County of Virginia (1673-1778) was a political and geographic region, part of the British Province of Quebec, claimed during the American Revolutionary War on July 4, 1778, by George Rogers Clark of the Virginia Militia as a result of the Illinois Campaign. The Virginia-based local government lasted only six years. Illinois County was extinguished when Virginia ceded its claims to the Northwest Territory to the United States in 1784. 

After the American Revolution started, those British bases became a threat to Virginians rather than a source of protection. The British repeated the tactics used by the French in the French and Indian War. Delivery of guns and ammunition to Native Americans enabled them to attack backcountry farms and settlements, with the greatest impact on Kentucky County Virginians. The General Assembly had created Kentucky County in 1776 to counter efforts by Richard Henderson and the Transylvania Company to split that territory off from Virginia.

The British built a new fort on the Wabash River at Vincennes in 1777, enhancing the supply route. The Virginian response to the threat to western settlement during the American Revolution matched the British response in the French and Indian War - capture the supply bases to cut off supplies to the Native Americans, as Fort Duquesne was captured in 1758.

George Rogers Clark, the ranking militia officer in Kentucky County, traveled back to Williamsburg. He convinced Gov. Patrick Henry and other key officials that a military response was necessary. The cost concerned the officials in Williamsburg, but Clark got two sets of orders from Governor Henry.

His public orders authorized him to defend Kentucky, but the secret orders allowed him to launch an attack west into British-held territory. Clark desired to seize Detroit but started by capturing easier targets with no British forces to defend them.

Governor Patrick Henry provided secret orders in 1778 for George Rogers Clark to attack Kaskaskia and Vincennes. (January 2, 1778)

Clark gathered about 175 men to form the Illinois Regiment, recruiting from Carolina to Fort Pitt. In a private letter signed by Thomas Jefferson, George Mason, and George Wythe, he was assured that his recruits would be granted a bounty of 300 acres of land in addition to standard pay.

He managed to move by boat downstream from Louisville on the Ohio River by marching cross-country to Kaskaskia on the Mississippi River. The few British officials at Kaskaskia were surprised and offered no resistance. The Roman Catholic vicar there championed the American cause, and the French residents welcomed Clark's force. The residents at Cahokia and Vincennes were equally supportive, and in July 1778, the British lost control of the territory south of Detroit.

George Rogers Clark obtained supplies in Virginia, then traveled to Kentucky and seized control of the future Northwest Territory in 1778-1779.

In December, Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton brought a handful of regular British troops from the 8th Regiment of Foot, Detroit militia, and Native Americans from Detroit and quickly recaptured Vincennes. He chose to upgrade Fort Sackville there rather than attack Clark at Kaskaskia. Because getting supplies to Vincennes was so tricky, Hamilton sent most of his men back to Detroit.

Clark made a middle-of-winter march to recapture Vincennes before Hamilton could strengthen defenses there. Clark led an expedition of nearly 175 men, including French allies recruited at Kaskaskia, 180 miles east through the flooded wilderness, through swamps with water at times as high as their shoulders.

In February 1779, the Virginians marched from Kaskaskia to Vincennes through prairie and forests flooded by seasonal high waters.

The winter march from Kaskaskia to Vincennes required 17 days to cover over 150 miles.

Clark wrote later in his memoirs:

In the spring, we knew that Governor Hamilton would be at the head of such a force that nothing in this quarter could withstand his arms, that Kentucky must immediately fall... We saw but one alternative, which was to attack the enemy in their quarters... the enemy could not suppose that we should be so mad as to attempt to march eighty leagues through a drowned country in the depths of winter, that they would be off their guard and probably would not think it worthwhile to keep out spies that... we might surprise them.

Kentucky County was exposed to raids by Native Americans, which the British supplied from Detroit and other forts.

Hamilton was caught by surprise and lacked adequate manpower to defend the fort. After a brief resistance, he surrendered.

George Rogers Clark recaptured Fort Sackville at Vincennes and imprisoned Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton in 1779.

Clark had Hamilton and the British officers taken 1,200 miles east to Williamsburg. He was imprisoned as a common criminal rather than treated as an officer captured in War. Hamilton was treated harshly because Governor Thomas Jefferson and top Virginia officials thought he was responsible for Native American raids in the backcountry where settlers were scalped. Because the British provided resources for the raiders, Hamilton was called the "Hair Buyer."

Clark lacked the resources to attack Detroit, and the British occupied the fort until 1796.

George Rogers Clark and the Illinois Regiment recaptured Vincennes in 1779.

The Virginia General Assembly asserted its claim to the captured territory by creating the Illinois Country in 1778.

In 1781, it authorized the officers in the Illinois Regiment to identify a 150,000-acre parcel north of the Ohio River where land grants would be awarded for service in that regiment. General Clark was given over 8,000 acres, officers received over 2,000 acres each, and privates were granted just 108 acres each. Clark's Grant of 150,000 acres, including 1,000 acres designated for creating the town of Clarksville, ended up within the state of Indiana.

The General Assembly created Illinois Country on December 9, 1778, after George Rogers Clark captured Vincennes and brought Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton to Williamsburg as a captive.

During the 1783 peace negotiations that ended the American Revolution, American control of the territory was acknowledged. The Northwest Territory was ceded to the United States of America in the Treaty of Paris. The western boundary was drawn from Lake of the Woods, then by a line to be drawn along the Middle of the Mississippi River until it shall intersect the Northernmost Part of the thirty-first Degree of North Latitude.

The British refused to evacuate forts, citing that the Americans were violating the treaty by refusing to allow British lenders to collect on debts owed by Americans. British forces left the fort at Detroit only in 1796, after the British and their Indian allies were defeated in the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794, many tribal leaders signed the Treaty of Greeneville in 1795, and the US Senate ratified the Jay Treaty in 1796.

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D. 

The 1730 Arrowsmith Battlefield of the Meskwaki (Fox) and the French in McLean County, Illinois.

Soon after their first contact with the French in Wisconsin, the Meskwaki (Fox Indians) began to develop a feeling of distrust and suspicion, which broke out later in hostilities that proved very detrimental to trade and settlement over a vast area of New France. The Foxes were a sturdy race — self-reliant and revengeful, cherishing their vengeance long and venting it when the moment seemed opportune. After a great many years of unpleasant relations with this tribe, the French authorities were able to secure the assistance of other Indian nations to aid in their destruction.  

A decisive battle between the Foxes and the French (aided by other Indian tribes — enemies to the Foxes) was fought in 1730. This battle, lasting twenty-three days, is recorded on the pages of history, but writers have not been able to definitely locate this fateful struggle. Some historians have said it probably was fought near Starved Rock, while another has it placed (some thirty-five miles to the northeast) not far from Piano in Kendall County, Illinois. These locations have not been satisfactory to historians because of conflict with the official reports. The best authorities have located it on the uncharted prairies with no nearby landmarks. Under such circumstances, only a careful analysis of all available records and situations will reveal the accurate site of the battle. 

At that time, distance and directions could only be given approximately. Yet, they are definite enough to be of great value in locating this battle site when other official reports and local records are examined and compared. The location is plainly designated in a statement made by Hocquart, Intendant of New France, who was at. Quebec. On receiving the messengers direct from the scene of action, he reported to the French minister as follows: "I have no doubt, Monseigneur, that you have learned, by way of the Mississippi, of the defeat of the Renard savages that happened September 9, 1730, in a plain situated between the River Wabash and the River of The Illinois, about sixty leagues (270 miles) to the south of the extremity or foot of Lake Michigan to the east, southeast of Le Rocher (French for "the Rock"), in the Illinois country." (Fort St. Louis du Rocher on Starved Rock)

This story and the facts are given here conclusively fix the scene of this battle at the long unidentified "mysterious battlefield" in eastern McLean County.

On the Jacob Smith farm, two miles southeast of the village of Arrowsmith, McLean County, Illinois, are a few scattered trees. This is the remainder of what was formerly known as Little Grove and is now known as Smith's Grove. The headwaters of the Sangamon River flow along the south and southeast of this group of trees. To the north and northwest, a hill rises to an elevation of about twenty feet above the level of the river. The first settlers of this community noticed that there were many depressions and ridges on the top of this knoll, and they were then supposed to be remains of Indian pits or caches. These were said to be irregularly shaped and irregularly placed with the greatest depth not over two and one-half feet from the tops of the ridges to the deepest part of the depressions. 

The following is an excerpt from a discussion of "The Arrowsmith Battle Ground" written by Captain John H. Burnham and published in the Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society in 1908:

"One beautiful day in May, 1897, a party consisting of several pioneers of eastern McLean County and a few of the members of the McLean County Historical Society made a very interesting exploration of the central attraction of the grove, and we shall never forget our intense interest as we made our discoveries. We dug into four or five of the dozen or fifteen of the pits or depressions, which were scattered irregularly over the acre of land at the top of the little knoll, and found the apparent bottoms of these pits at depths not exceeding three feet, and mostly two feet from the apparent average natural level of the ground. Bones were found in nearly all of them, but they nearly all appeared to be bones of animals."

On several occasions, Captain John H. Burnham and Judge H. W. Beckwith of Danville had together investigated places that appeared to be of historical significance. Thus, it was only natural for Captain Burnham to write to his friend at Danville, telling him of the 1897 expedition to the Arrowsmith battlefield, and Judge Beckwith answered as follows. Dated December 3, 1897:

Dear friend Burnham,

I am glad to hear of the finds over on the Sangamon. This may be the missing link in Illinois history. I trust the search will continue until relics are found that will prove conclusively whether the combatants were French or Anglo-Americans. Expeditions were sent out from Fort de Charters prior to 1735 against the Fox Indians. Also forays were made from Kentucky into that region around 1812.

The Illinois State Historical Society was organized in 1899 with Judge Beckwith as president. At the first annual meeting, Judge Beckwith outlined the great work to be done by historical societies in Illinois: Your chairman cannot too forcibly urge the necessity there is to localize many of the recorded events in our early State history. To illustrate: 

Among the expeditions sent out from Fort de Charters to chastise the Sauk (Sac) and Meskwaki (Fox) Indians, always enemies of the French, was one that foimd and defeated these savages entrenched towards the soinces of the Sangamon river. Now if otu' zealous friend, Captain Burnham, and his industrious associates, can identify this battle ground in McLean county, as your chairman hopes they may, it will be an ample reward for the historical society at Bloomington.

Judge Beckwith passed away in 1903, and Captain Burnham, busy with other activities, did not follow the details to a definite conclusion.

Some articles collected from the above site, either during the 1897 expedition or by community residents over previous years, were presented to Captain Burnham and given to the McLean County Historical Society in Bloomington. They included two hundred bullets; three knife blades (which may have been scalping or dirk knives [a long-bladed thrusting dagger]); various copper ornaments; a piece of pistol barrel; parts of nearly straight deer-horn prongs (deer antler points); part of a link of an iron chain; a peculiar piece of iron (flat-scraper for deer skins); a part of a gun barrel which had also been flattened, probably for use as a scraper; a gun lock; a steel blade (possibly the blade of a dirk knife, but more likely a razor blade on which the maker's name, Pierre Minan, could be read.) 

Another interesting fact in connection with this "battle site" is this: About fifty rods to the northeast, on the downward slope from the hill, early community settlers noticed what appeared to be rifle pits. They were laid out in the manner of an old-fashioned rail fence. These earthworks were built in haste, for they were not dug to a great depth. Though plainly visible before the cultivation of the prairie effaced them, they can no longer be seen on the ground's surface. Pits similar to these were found across the river to the south and southeast of the grove. 

The Section of "New France" Involved in the Conflict.

Many bullets were found during the years in which the surrounding land was cultivated. Most of them were discovered near the grove, outside of the location of the pits, and in the direction of the trenches to the northeast and to the south. However, bullets have been picked up in great numbers for a distance of a nearly one-half mile in the southern direction. The shots are large, and many appear to have been hammered into a form from bar lead. The type of these bullets suggests a remote date, and their surface coating of the patina indicates prolonged exposure to the elements. It is also interesting to note that on some occasions, when wood from this grove was being burned in an open grate, melted lead was observed trickling from the fire. In 1906, while a large oak tree from this grove was being sawed into lumber, the saw cut through a shot of the above type. The bullet was near the heart of the log, which was four feet in diameter. We greatly regret that no one, at that time, thought to count the rings of growth to the surface.

In June 1932, Mr. Frank W. Aldrich, who was present with the party that had investigated this site with Captain Burnham thirty-five years before, and several young men, visited this spot hoping to gain further information. There was no trace of anything unusual on the surface at this time. Our excavations on the hill revealed numerous workings of the soil to a depth of about two and one-half feet. Charcoal, bones, teeth, an arrow, and a bullet were found, but we could not locate the outline or extent of the early pits or fortifications. It was interesting, however, to visit with the members of the Smith family, who have resided there and tilled the soil since the prairie sod was broken. In the regular farming routine, they have gathered quantities of bullets and recently unearthed numerous relics, including six traders' axes and a gun barrel. Nothing was of as much interest to me as a statement from one of the young men relative to a zigzag ridge that had been visible until recent years. He stated that this ridge approached the hill from the northeast but that continuous soil cultivation had obliterated it.

The McLean County Academy of Science became interested in the battlefield. On May 12, 1934, a large group of members and friends visited the site and made excavations. A more systematic investigation than any in recent years was planned. One trench dug across the hill in a northern direction revealed the definite locations of ten of the pits. Worked soil, bones, and charcoal were the indications in each of these pits. Other objects of interest found at this time were several shots and a short section of a gun barrel. With the historical facts before them, the party contemplated the local setting and returned home feeling satisfied with their efforts.

The silent remains of this field speak perfectly with this story which is made up of the historical records of the events.

The Foxes were continuing their depredations against the French and their savage allies. The overt act was burning the son of the principal chief of The Illinois tribe. The chief's followers immediately arose against the offenders. The Kickapoos, Mascoutins, and Illinois of Le Rocher (the Rock) made themselves masters of the passes to the northeast. As a result of this careful guarding, the Foxes, who had planned to find refuge for their women and children among the Iroquois, were forced to give up the northern route leading to the east. They then built a fort near the Rock, a league below the enemy. This fort would, undoubtedly, have been the location of the final battle had the Foxes not decided to take the southern route to the east  — the trail which followed the Bloomington moraine. Leaving the fort near the Rock, they started southward with their women and children. The Illinois warriors followed and harassed them at every opportunity. When the Foxes paused and built a fort (near the present site of Arrowsmith), The Illinois, with others, dug in on a hill on the prairie where they could watch and have protection. Messengers were sent out by these watchers to the various French posts.

St. Ange was notified at Fort de Charters. He put himself at the head of the French there and started in the direction of Fort Fox. On August 10, 1730, they joined the three or four hundred savages who had preceded them by a few days. On the 12th, scouts who had been sent ahead reported the location of the Fort at St. Ange. The march continued mainly through a wooded country, and at daybreak, on the 17th, they came in sight of Fort Fox. According to the report: "This was a small grove of trees surrounded by a palisade situated on a gentle slope Rising on the west and northwest side of the bank of a small river, in such manner that on the east and southeast sides they Avere exposed to our fire. Their Cabins were tiny and Excavated in the earth Like the Burrows of the Foxes from which they take their name." St. Ange's men opened fire at once. After the firing began, The Illinois and others watching from the nearby hill joined them. The Foxes made t^vo unsuccessful sorties during the day. St. Ange camped southeast of the Foxes on the opposite side of the river, where trenches for fortification were dug that night. Later redoubts were constructed Avithin two pistol shots of the enemy. These were designed to prevent the enemy from obtaining water, but the Foxes clearly excavated underground passages leading to the river. 

De Villiers, commander at the post on the St. Joseph River (Niles, Michigan), reports: "I had the honor of sending you a report on my first journey to Le Rocher, with the nations to prevent the Renards (The Fox) from passing over to the Iroquois." On August 6, two Mascoutin messengers came to De Villiers and stated that the Renards had struck the Indians of Le Rocher. The Illinois, seeking revenge, pursued them. After a day's battle, the Renards, with their families, took possession of a small grove of trees and fortified themselves. Mention is also made in De Villiers report of "Watchers" who dug in on a hill on the prairie. "On the following day, they parleyed Avith one another to gain time and to obtain assistance. During these parleys, the Pouatoutamis (Potawatomi) sent Papissa (an Indian runner), with a young man to the Ouyatanons (near Lafayette) to ask the aid of the tribes and the French at that post." Fox messengers were also there trying to bribe the Ouyatanons to help their people by keeping the road to the East open. The Ouyatanons promised to assist the Foxes and assured them they would soon see them.

De Villiers, having sent word to the French at Detroit and De Noyelle of the Miami post (near Fort Wayne, Indiana), left his post on August 10, 1730. He took the French and Indians of that locality and proceeded toward the Fox Fort. On the way, he was joined by the Kickapoos and Mascoutins (of Le Rocher). He arrived at the encampment of the Renards on August 20 and took charge of the combined forces. His description of the fort is as follows:

Fort Renards was in a small Grove of trees, on the bank of a little river running through a vast prairie, more than four leagues (4 miles) in circumference, without a tree, except Two groves about 60 arpents (2.2 miles) from one another."

The Ouyatanons arrived the same day, but it was soon apparent that they were unwilling to completely break their promise to the Foxes. They tried many times to persuade the enemy to spare the lives of the Foxes. 

De Noyelle, with the French and Indians from the Miamis, arrived on the scene on September 1. He joined De Villiers' men on the right of the Fox Fort. The governor of Canada sent a message by De Noyelle that forbade making any treaty with the Foxes.

Altogether the French and Indian warriors now numbered about fourteen hundred. Much privation and suffering on the part of both the Foxes and the enemy forces caused some desertions. However, the siege lasted twenty-three days. 

On September 8, an hour before sunset, a violent storm arose. The night was very dark and foggy, and the Foxes, taking advantage of this, started off across the prairie towards the southwest. The French, hearing the crying of the children, was aware of this attempt, but they could not follow them until the next day when the Foxes were overtaken and almost completely destroyed. 

De Villiers prepared his report and sent his son, Coulon, and Pierre Reaume, a Fox interpreter, who had been in the West many years, to carry the message to Hocquart at Quebec. Hocquart states that he questioned the son on all the facts of the report and got some details that had been omitted. He also gathered the expressions of Reaume, which were according to Canadian usage. Chaussegros de Lery, the chief engineer in building the walls of Quebec under the direction of Vauban, was called in. He drew up a battle plan from the report with notes on the same.

In the description of this battle, many interesting details have necessarily been omitted. However, we have included incidents and conditions that definitely aid in determining the location of this conflict. To that end, a summary of our findings, with the conclusions, follows:

1. Notes on De Lery's map state that the battle scene was east by southeast of Le Rocher. Two reliable messengers, Coulon de Villiers and Pierre Reaume, said the battlefield was between The Illinois and Wabash Rivers and about sixty leagues (270 miles) south of Lake Michigan. This is the approximate location of the Arrowsmith field. 

2. Observations of the early settlers of Arrowsmith point to the following facts on De Lery's map: the pits on the hill and the trenches to the northeast and the southeast. The Sangamon River flows east at this place, as shown on De Lery's map. The trench opened by De Villiers to approach the hill showed for many years as a zigzag ridge from the northeast. The complete confirmation of the character and location of the pits on the hill has been brought about by three investigators interested in getting the exact facts.

3. The two sorties against St. Ange left many bullets for some distance south of the fort, and this has been verified by the finding of many shots in this area. Hundreds of crude patina-coated shots were found, and they compare precisely with the type that belongs to the period of this battle.

4. The Foxes wished to go east to the Iroquois. The passes to the northeast were held by enemies, and to avoid the swamps, they sought the regular trails along the higher ground. This search brought them along the route near the Arrowsmith field.

5. When the distance traveled and the length of time taken by each of the armies to arrive at the battlefield is considered, there is added evidence that this is the site of the battle. 

6. The two following statements of St. Ange and De Villiers are facts about the natural setting of the Arrowsmith field: "A small grove of trees on the bank of a little river running through a vast prairie" and "On a gentle slope rising to the west and northwest on the bank of a small river."

7. Confirmatory to our findings is a letter from the French Commander at Detroit in 1752, which states that certain tribes had built a fort on the prairies of the Mascoutins at the place where De Villiers had attacked the Foxes about twenty years before. This location is, without a doubt, the hill five miles southwest of the Arrowsmith field where The Illinois and other tribes dug in and watched the Foxes, and Messengers were sent out from there. It is positively known that a stockaded fort was located on this hill as late as 1812.

8. There is no evidence that the battle was fought elsewhere.

There were indications of a battleground near Piano. John F. Steward's boyhood home was near the location, and he became intensely interested in identifying it. Sending to France, he secured several manuscripts in 1901. He, at once, interpreted them to show that the unlocated Battle of 1730 was fought there. A few years later, Mr. Steward received copies of De Lery's battlefield maps but found difficulty applying them to the Piano site. 

By discrediting the official reports, Stanley Faye recently placed the battle site east of Lowell on the Vermillion River. This location deserves about the same consideration as Steward's Maramech Hill.

The Battle Site After Two Hundred Years.

With landmarks remote, with the passing of many years, and with the changing ownership of the "Illinois country," the site of this battle was lost. Indeed, when we realize the horrible scenes of bloodshed enacted here, the human suffering and untold agony, it might have been well to have made no effort to remove the veil that has so long obscured the horrors of this field. Yet, to the historian, there is a specific lure for complete records, and the sentiment is abandoned for the truth. It has been a pleasure to gather from various sources the evidence that so conclusively brings to light a complete story of this long-mysterious battleground. There in the bosom of the "grand prairie," had been hidden a secret that the ages might never have disclosed.  

An engraved boulder was unveiled Sunday on the Roy Smith farm near the Village of Arrowsmith, Illinois, marking Etnataek, the site of a bloody Indian-French battle in 1730. Etnataek is Algonquin for “where fight, battle or clubbing took place.” After the extensive historical study, William Brigham of Bloomington (above), Historian and former superintendent of schools, established the battle site in the Arrowsmith area. Modern historians and archaeologists no longer use the French term Etnataek to describe the site. 1951

Compiled by Dr. Neil Gale, Ph.D.